Benjamin Ginsberg – författare

This timely and important new work takes a critical look at government in the American states and illustrates the disconnect between state government institutions and their constituents. The text illuminates three basic political problems of state governments: weak constitutional and institutional foundations; a lack of civic engagement; and long histories of unchecked public corruption. In addition, the book explains why some states did and others did not respond promptly to the COVID-19 pandemic and examines America''s long-standing problem of police and prosecutorial misconduct–providing a context for understanding the demonstrations and protests that rocked American cities in the summer of 2020. For students and citizens of state politics, the book concludes with a proposal aimed at civic literacy and action

This timely and important new work takes a critical look at government in the American states and illustrates the disconnect between state government institutions and their constituents. The text illuminates three basic political problems of state governments: weak constitutional and institutional foundations; a lack of civic engagement; and long histories of unchecked public corruption. In addition, the book explains why some states did and others did not respond promptly to the COVID-19 pandemic and examines America''s long-standing problem of police and prosecutorial misconduct–providing a context for understanding the demonstrations and protests that rocked American cities in the summer of 2020. For students and citizens of state politics, the book concludes with a proposal aimed at civic literacy and action

Those who saw Donald Trump as a novel threat looming over American democracy and now think the danger has passed may not have been paying much attention to the political developments of the past several decades. Trump was merely the most recent—and will surely not be the last—in a long line of presidents who expanded the powers of the office and did not hesitate to act unilaterally when so doing served their purposes. Unfortunately, Trump is also unlikely to be the last president prepared to do away with his enemies in the Congress and transform the imperial presidency from a theory to a reality.

Though presidents are elected more or less democratically, the presidency is not and was never intended to be a democratic institution. The framers thought that America would be governed by its representative assembly, the Congress of the United States. Presidential power, like a dangerous pharmaceutical, might have been labelled, "to be used only when needed."

Today, Congress sporadically engages in law making but the president actually governs. Congress has become more an inquisitorial than a legislative body. Presidents rule through edicts while their opponents in the Congress counter with the threat of impeachment—an action that amounts to a political, albeit nonviolent coup. The courts sputter and fume but generally back the president. This is the new separation of powers—the president exercises power and the other branches are separated from it.

Where will this end? Regardless of who occupies the Oval Office, the imperial presidency is inexorably bringing down the curtain on American representative democracy.

Those who saw Donald Trump as a novel threat looming over American democracy and now think the danger has passed may not have been paying much attention to the political developments of the past several decades. Trump was merely the most recent—and will surely not be the last—in a long line of presidents who expanded the powers of the office and did not hesitate to act unilaterally when so doing served their purposes. Unfortunately, Trump is also unlikely to be the last president prepared to do away with his enemies in the Congress and transform the imperial presidency from a theory to a reality.

Though presidents are elected more or less democratically, the presidency is not and was never intended to be a democratic institution. The framers thought that America would be governed by its representative assembly, the Congress of the United States. Presidential power, like a dangerous pharmaceutical, might have been labelled, "to be used only when needed."

Today, Congress sporadically engages in law making but the president actually governs. Congress has become more an inquisitorial than a legislative body. Presidents rule through edicts while their opponents in the Congress counter with the threat of impeachment—an action that amounts to a political, albeit nonviolent coup. The courts sputter and fume but generally back the president. This is the new separation of powers—the president exercises power and the other branches are separated from it.

Where will this end? Regardless of who occupies the Oval Office, the imperial presidency is inexorably bringing down the curtain on American representative democracy.

This series of scholarly chapters explores the unpleasant realities of modern politics – and American politics in particular – by examining how self- interest, war, violence, deception and institutional failure continue to characterize the political landscape.

Author Benjamin Ginsberg argues that the political world in which we like to think we live – the world of civic engagement, representative government and principled political discourse – is fleeting and fragile, resting uneasily upon the foundation of a harsh and dark reality.

Making a fundamental contribution to our understandings of politics, this book is an important read for students and scholars of American Politics and Government.

This series of scholarly chapters explores the unpleasant realities of modern politics – and American politics in particular – by examining how self- interest, war, violence, deception and institutional failure continue to characterize the political landscape.

Author Benjamin Ginsberg argues that the political world in which we like to think we live – the world of civic engagement, representative government and principled political discourse – is fleeting and fragile, resting uneasily upon the foundation of a harsh and dark reality.

Making a fundamental contribution to our understandings of politics, this book is an important read for students and scholars of American Politics and Government.

This book critiques a modern American political system characterized by the partisan weaponization of bureaucratic systems and institutions. Competition for political power in the United States today is not just about winning elections. Competing political forces attempt to win at the polls but they do not bet all their chips on electoral outcomes. Each party has built an institutional bastion within portions of the federal bureaucracy. Each party makes use of judicial and criminal proceedings for partisan purposes–a practice dubbed “lawfare” by the national media. And, acting through various surrogates, each party sponsors “violence by proxy,” to achieve its ends. To the extent that political struggles are fought outside the electoral arena, ordinary Americans have little or no voice in public affairs. And, unfortunately, in the U.S. today, a good deal of political struggle takes place outside the electoral arena. This book will be used in undergraduate and graduate classes in political parties, electoral politics and in general American government classes.

This book critiques a modern American political system characterized by the partisan weaponization of bureaucratic systems and institutions. Competition for political power in the United States today is not just about winning elections. Competing political forces attempt to win at the polls but they do not bet all their chips on electoral outcomes. Each party has built an institutional bastion within portions of the federal bureaucracy. Each party makes use of judicial and criminal proceedings for partisan purposes–a practice dubbed “lawfare” by the national media. And, acting through various surrogates, each party sponsors “violence by proxy,” to achieve its ends. To the extent that political struggles are fought outside the electoral arena, ordinary Americans have little or no voice in public affairs. And, unfortunately, in the U.S. today, a good deal of political struggle takes place outside the electoral arena. This book will be used in undergraduate and graduate classes in political parties, electoral politics and in general American government classes.