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First published in 1998, this volume examines East Asia, especially Northeast Asia, which has been a region of considerable political security of importance for several key reasons. It features several great and medium powers: China, Japan and Russia, as well as North and South Korea. Even though no arms race is yet discernible among these states (with the partial exception of the two Koreas), it is conceivable that one might commence. If it did, the level of militarization could become quite alarming, if only because of the tremendous and rapidly growing economic potential of the regional states. Even though relations among regional sates (except the two Koreas) are currently peaceful, the region features several unresolved issues (e.g. concerning territory) and a historical legacy of enmity between several states. To prevent such conflicts of interest from erupting into armed conflict is of the utmost importance. A stabilizing factor is that the military potentials in the region are still predominantly defensively oriented, i.e. most states lack the requisite power projection or invasion capabilities to inflict serious harm on each other. However, this might change in the not-so-distant future. Hence the importance of confidence-building measures; of an institutionalization of regional relations; and of a strengthening of commitments to defensive military strategies and postures.
584 kr
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First published in 1998, this volume examines East Asia, especially Northeast Asia, which has been a region of considerable political security of importance for several key reasons. It features several great and medium powers: China, Japan and Russia, as well as North and South Korea. Even though no arms race is yet discernible among these states (with the partial exception of the two Koreas), it is conceivable that one might commence. If it did, the level of militarization could become quite alarming, if only because of the tremendous and rapidly growing economic potential of the regional states. Even though relations among regional sates (except the two Koreas) are currently peaceful, the region features several unresolved issues (e.g. concerning territory) and a historical legacy of enmity between several states. To prevent such conflicts of interest from erupting into armed conflict is of the utmost importance. A stabilizing factor is that the military potentials in the region are still predominantly defensively oriented, i.e. most states lack the requisite power projection or invasion capabilities to inflict serious harm on each other. However, this might change in the not-so-distant future. Hence the importance of confidence-building measures; of an institutionalization of regional relations; and of a strengthening of commitments to defensive military strategies and postures.
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Ausgangspunkt der Dissertation ist der Wandel des Verhältnisses zwischen Staat und Universitäten unter dem Paradigmenwechsel des New Public Managements. Dies führte unter anderem dazu, dass die Funktionen des Staates zu Lasten der Einflussmöglichkeiten in den Hochschulbereich reduziert wurden und dem Staat drohte, den Einblick in die Universitäten zu verlieren. Um diesem drohenden Verlust entgegenzuwirken, nutzte der Staat vermehrt kennzahlenbasierte Steuerungsinstrumente. Daraus ergab sich die übergreifende Fragestellung, welche Bedeutung metrifizierende Berichtspflichten und metrifizierte Berichte bei der ministeriellen Steuerung von Universitäten haben. Zur Analyse dieses organisationssoziologischen Problems der Hochschulforschung wurde ein politikwissenschaftlicher Zugang gewählt. Dieser ermöglicht die in der Hochschulforschung häufig abstrakte Beschreibung der Politik als „Staat“ dezidiert auszuformulieren und gleichzeitig die Universität als Untersuchungsgegenstand in der Politikwissenschaft zu etablieren. Daran anknüpfend wurde die Prinzipal-Agenten-Theorie als theoretischer Zugang gewählt. Diese bietet den Vorteil, das hierarchische Verhältnis zwischen Ministerial- und Universitätsvertreter:innen angemessen berücksichtigen zu können.
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