James A. Tyner – författare

The Philippines is the world's largest exporter of temporary contract labor with a huge 800,000 workers a year being deployed on either six month or two year contracts. This labor migration is highly regulated by the government, private, and non-governmental/non-private organizations. Tyner argues that migrants are socially constructed, or 'made' by these parties and that migrants in turn become political resources. Employing a post-structural feminist perspective Tyner questions the very ontology of migration.

The Philippines is the world's largest exporter of temporary contract labor with a huge 800,000 workers a year being deployed on either six month or two year contracts. This labor migration is highly regulated by the government, private, and non-governmental/non-private organizations. Tyner argues that migrants are socially constructed, or 'made' by these parties and that migrants in turn become political resources. Employing a post-structural feminist perspective Tyner questions the very ontology of migration.

Direct, interpersonal violence is a pervasive, yet often mundane feature of our day-to-day lives; paradoxically, violence is both ordinary and extraordinary. Violence, in other words, is often hidden in plain sight. Space, Place, and Violence seeks to uncover that which is too apparent: to critically question both violent geographies and the geographies of violence. With a focus on direct violence, this book situates violent acts within the context of broader political and structural conditions. Violence, it is argued, is both a social and spatial practice. Adopting a geographic perspective, Space, Place, and Violence provides a critical reading of how violence takes place and also produces place. Specifically, four spatial vignettes – home, school, streets, and community – are introduced, designed so that students may think critically how ‘race’, sex, gender, and class inform violent geographies and geographies of violence.

Direct, interpersonal violence is a pervasive, yet often mundane feature of our day-to-day lives; paradoxically, violence is both ordinary and extraordinary. Violence, in other words, is often hidden in plain sight. Space, Place, and Violence seeks to uncover that which is too apparent: to critically question both violent geographies and the geographies of violence. With a focus on direct violence, this book situates violent acts within the context of broader political and structural conditions. Violence, it is argued, is both a social and spatial practice. Adopting a geographic perspective, Space, Place, and Violence provides a critical reading of how violence takes place and also produces place. Specifically, four spatial vignettes – home, school, streets, and community – are introduced, designed so that students may think critically how ‘race’, sex, gender, and class inform violent geographies and geographies of violence.

Nearly five million migrant workers from the Philippines are employed in over 190 countries and territories. They work as doctors and domestic helpers, engineers and entertainers, seamstresses and surveyors. It is through their collective labor that the Philippines has assumed a global presence. For over five centuries the Philippines has been integrated into the world economy. Only recently, however, has the Philippines been a pro-active agent in the production of a global economy. Since the 1970s the Philippine state, in connection with myriad private institutions, has recruited, trained, marketed, and deployed a mobile work-force. Annually, approximately one million migrant workers travel to all corners of the world. The Philippines seeks to understand how the Philippines has become the world’s largest exporter of government-sponsored temporary contract labor and, in the process, has dramatically reshaped both the processes of globalization and also our understanding of globalization as concept.

Nearly five million migrant workers from the Philippines are employed in over 190 countries and territories. They work as doctors and domestic helpers, engineers and entertainers, seamstresses and surveyors. It is through their collective labor that the Philippines has assumed a global presence. For over five centuries the Philippines has been integrated into the world economy. Only recently, however, has the Philippines been a pro-active agent in the production of a global economy. Since the 1970s the Philippine state, in connection with myriad private institutions, has recruited, trained, marketed, and deployed a mobile work-force. Annually, approximately one million migrant workers travel to all corners of the world. The Philippines seeks to understand how the Philippines has become the world’s largest exporter of government-sponsored temporary contract labor and, in the process, has dramatically reshaped both the processes of globalization and also our understanding of globalization as concept.

Landmines, cluster-bombs, chemical pollutants, and other remnants of war continue to cause death to humans and damage to the environment long after the guns have fallen silent. From the jungles of Vietnam to the arctic tundra of Russia, no region has escaped the legacy of warfare.To understand the legacy of modern militarism, this book presents an overview of post-conflict societies, with an emphasis on the human toll exacted by modern warfare.

Landmines, cluster-bombs, chemical pollutants, and other remnants of war continue to cause death to humans and damage to the environment long after the guns have fallen silent. From the jungles of Vietnam to the arctic tundra of Russia, no region has escaped the legacy of warfare.To understand the legacy of modern militarism, this book presents an overview of post-conflict societies, with an emphasis on the human toll exacted by modern warfare.

Oriental Bodies charts the discursive transformations of U.S. immigration policy between 1875 and 1942. Author James Tyner concentrates on the confluence of eugenics, geopolitics, and Orientalism as these intersect in the debates surrounding the exclusion of immigrants from China, Japan, and the Philippines. This unique work argues that United States immigration policy was founded on a particular discourse of eugenics and geopolitics and that this concentration was informed by a greater Orientalist discourse. Drawing from American foreign policy, identity politics, post-structuralism, post-colonialism, and feminist theory, this fascinating study seeks to examine the construction of "Oriental bodies" within the emergence of U.S. immigration policy and explores how these constructions served political, social, and economic interests.

After September 11, 2001, United States President George W. Bush put together a 'Coalition of the Willing.' From the very beginning this coalition included the Philippines, a willing participant in the U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq and the larger War on Terror. This timely and persuasive book argues that the Philippines' recent foreign policy must be understood by considering three factors: the crucial role of overseas employment to the Philippine economy, the mendicant relationship between the Philippines and the United States, and the Catholicism of Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Between September 11 and August 4, 2004, the Philippine State identified itself as a loyal and supportive member of the Coalition of the Willing, in part to take advantage of the labor opportunities in the reconstruction efforts of Iraq. However, in the face of mounting violence and instability in the war-torn country, the Philippines became increasingly reluctant to actively participate in the coalition. When Angelo de la Cruz, a Filipino truck driver, was kidnapped, the Philippine government withdrew its forces from Iraq. This decision can only be understood in the context of Macapagal-Arroyo's political fundamentalism. Specifically, Macapagal-Arroyo believed that it was God's will to spare the life of de la Cruz. This study of the Philippines' recent foreign policy examines the interconnections of international relations, transnational labor migration, military conflict, theology, and terrorism. It is unique in its explicit examination of peripheral states' participation in the War on Terror, the invasion of Iraq, and the Coalition of the Willing, as well as its willingness to discuss the religious context of a state's foreign policy.

Geography encompasses everything from the local—where human beings live, work, and travel—to metageographies like nations and regions. James A. Tyner's inventive and multidisciplinary ideas on geography similarly range from the personal—his father's experience in the military during the Vietnam War—to a broad discussion of how the United States has come to exercise power through the production of geographic knowledge, in this case in Southeast Asia. Since the end of the Second World War, Southeast Asia has served as a surrogate space to further American imperial interests, which are economic, political, territorial, and moral in scope. America's Strategy in Southeast Asia contends that the construction of Southeast Asia as a geographic entity has been a crucial component in the creation of the American empire. For example, America's most blatant experience of colonial rule occurred the Philippines, America's longest war was fought in Vietnam, and most recently, some American policymakers have identified Southeast Asia as the "Second Front" in the War on Terror. Yet, America's overriding strategy in Southeast Asia and the region itself remains something of a mystery for the American populace—a "black box" in America's geographical imagination. This clear and innovative book educates readers about Southeast Asia's importance in American foreign policy.

Geography encompasses everything from the local—where human beings live, work, and travel—to metageographies like nations and regions. James A. Tyner's inventive and multidisciplinary ideas on geography similarly range from the personal—his father's experience in the military during the Vietnam War—to a broad discussion of how the United States has come to exercise power through the production of geographic knowledge, in this case in Southeast Asia. Since the end of the Second World War, Southeast Asia has served as a surrogate space to further American imperial interests, which are economic, political, territorial, and moral in scope. America's Strategy in Southeast Asia contends that the construction of Southeast Asia as a geographic entity has been a crucial component in the creation of the American empire. For example, America's most blatant experience of colonial rule occurred the Philippines, America's longest war was fought in Vietnam, and most recently, some American policymakers have identified Southeast Asia as the "Second Front" in the War on Terror. Yet, America's overriding strategy in Southeast Asia and the region itself remains something of a mystery for the American populace—a "black box" in America's geographical imagination. This clear and innovative book educates readers about Southeast Asia's importance in American foreign policy.

Between 1975 and 1978, the Khmer Rouge carried out genocide in Cambodia unparalleled in modern history. Approximately 2 million died - almost one quarter of the population. Taking an explicitly geographical approach, this book argues whether the Khmer Rouge's activities not only led to genocide, but also terracide - the erasure of space. In the Cambodia of 1975, the landscape would reveal vestiges of an indigenous pre-colonial Khmer society, a French colonialism and American intervention. The Khmer Rouge, however, were not content with retaining the past inscriptions of previous modes of production and spatial practices. Instead, they attempted to erase time and space to create their own utopian vision of a communal society. The Khmer Rouge's erasing and reshaping of space was thus part of a consistent sacrifice of Cambodia and its people - a brutal justification for the killing of a country and the birth of a new place, Democratic Kampuchea. While focusing on Cambodia, the book provides a clearer geographic understanding to genocide in general and insights into the importance of spatial factors in geopolitical conflict.

What, James Tyner asks, separates the murder of a runaway youth from the death of a father denied a bone-marrow transplant because of budget cuts? Moving beyond our culture's reductive emphasis on whether a given act of violence is intentional—and may therefore count as deliberate murder—Tyner interrogates the broader forces that produce violence. His uniquely geographic perspective considers where violence takes place (the workplace, the home, the prison, etc.) and how violence moves across space.Approaching violence as one of several methods of constituting space, Tyner examines everything from the way police departments map crime to the emergence of "environmental criminology." Throughout, he casts violence in broad terms—as a realm that is not limited to criminal acts and one that can be divided into the categories of "killing" and "letting die." His framework extends the study of biopolitics by examining the state's role in producing (or failing to produce) a healthy citizenry. It also adds to the new literature on capitalism by articulating the interconnections between violence and political economy. Simply put, capitalism (especially its neoliberal and neoconservative variants) is structured around a valuation of life that fosters a particular abstraction of violence and crime.

Since the cessation of major combat operations in Iraq, approximately 120 people - either contract workers or private soldiers - have been abducted, with one-third being executed. The largest contingent of these workers has been provided by the Philippines. Through a specific, though not exclusive, focus on the Philippines connection, this book considers the myriad ways in which transnational labour migration intersects with the occupation of Iraq. Also examining the role of the USA in the Middle East, the book places the war on terror within the practices of neoliberalism, but also links this with migration issues and argues that it is all part of a larger 'business' of conflict.

Between 1975 and 1979, the Communist Party of Kampuchea fundamentally transformed the social, economic, political, and natural landscape of Cambodia. During this time, as many as two million Cambodians died from exposure, disease, and starvation, or were executed at the hands of the party. Thedominant interpretation of Cambodian history during this period presents the CPK as a totalitarian, communist, and autarkic regime seeking to reorganize Cambodian society around a primitive, agrarian political economy.From Rice Fields to Killing Fields challenges previous interpretationsand provides a documentary-based Marxist interpretation of the political economy of Democratic Kampuchea. Tyner argues that Cambodia’s mass violence was the consequence not of the deranged attitudes and paranoia of a few tyrannical leaders but of the structural violence, the direct result ofa series of political and economic reforms that were designed to accumulate capital rapidly: the dispossession of hundreds of thousands of people through forced evacuations, the imposition of starvation wages, the promotion of import-substitution policies, and the intensification of agricultural productionthrough forced labor. Moving beyond the Cambodian genocide, Tyner maintains that it is a mistake to view Democratic Kampuchea in isolation, as an aberration or something unique. Rather, the policies and practices initiated by the Khmer Rouge must be seen in a larger, historical-geographical context.

The Nature of Revolution provides the first account of art and politics under the brutal Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia. James A. Tyner repositions Khmer Rouge artworks within their proper political and economic context: the materialization of a political organization in an era of anticolonial and decolonization movements. Consequently, both the organization’s policies and practices—including the production of poetry, music, and photography—were incontrovertibly shaped by and created to further the Khmer Rouge’s agenda.Theoretically informed and empirically grounded, Tyner’s work examines the social dimensions of the Khmer Rouge, while contributing broadly to a growing literature on the intersection of art and politics. Building on the foundational works of theorists such as Jacques Rancière, Theodor Adorno, and Walter Benjamin, Tyner explores the insights of Leon Trotsky and his descriptions of the politics of aesthetics specific to socialist revolutions. Ultimately, Tyner reveals a fundamental tension between individuality and bureaucratic control and its impact on artistic creativity and freedom.

This book examines three consecutive famines in Cambodia during the 1970s, exploring both continuities and discontinuities of all three. Cambodia experienced these consecutive famines against the backdrop of four distinct governments: the Kingdom of Cambodia (1953–1970), the U.S.-supported Khmer Republic (1970–1975), the communist Democratic Kampuchea (1975–1979), and the Vietnamese-controlled People’s Republic of Kampuchea (1979–1989).Famine in Cambodia documents how state-induced famine constituted a form of sovereign violence and operated against the backdrop of sweeping historical transformations of Cambodian society. It also highlights how state-induced famines should not be solely framed from the vantage point in which famine occurs but should also focus on the geopolitics of state-induced famines, as states other than Cambodia conditioned the famine in Cambodia.Drawing on an array of theorists, including Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Achille Mbembe, James A. Tyner provides a conceptual framework to bring together geopolitics, biopolitics, and necropolitics in an effort to expand our understanding of state-induced famines. Tyner argues that state-induced famine constitutes a form of sovereign violence—a form of power that both takes life and disallows life.

This book examines three consecutive famines in Cambodia during the 1970s, exploring both continuities and discontinuities of all three. Cambodia experienced these consecutive famines against the backdrop of four distinct governments: the Kingdom of Cambodia (1953–1970), the U.S.-supported Khmer Republic (1970–1975), the communist Democratic Kampuchea (1975–1979), and the Vietnamese-controlled People’s Republic of Kampuchea (1979–1989).Famine in Cambodia documents how state-induced famine constituted a form of sovereign violence and operated against the backdrop of sweeping historical transformations of Cambodian society. It also highlights how state-induced famines should not be solely framed from the vantage point in which famine occurs but should also focus on the geopolitics of state-induced famines, as states other than Cambodia conditioned the famine in Cambodia.Drawing on an array of theorists, including Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Achille Mbembe, James A. Tyner provides a conceptual framework to bring together geopolitics, biopolitics, and necropolitics in an effort to expand our understanding of state-induced famines. Tyner argues that state-induced famine constitutes a form of sovereign violence—a form of power that both takes life and disallows life.

The Nature of Revolution provides the first account of art and politics under the brutal Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia. James A. Tyner repositions Khmer Rouge artworks within their proper political and economic context: the materialization of a political organization in an era of anticolonial and decolonization movements. Consequently, both the organization’s policies and practices—including the production of poetry, music, and photography—were incontrovertibly shaped by and created to further the Khmer Rouge’s agenda.Theoretically informed and empirically grounded, Tyner’s work examines the social dimensions of the Khmer Rouge, while contributing broadly to a growing literature on the intersection of art and politics. Building on the foundational works of theorists such as Jacques Rancière, Theodor Adorno, and Walter Benjamin, Tyner explores the insights of Leon Trotsky and his descriptions of the politics of aesthetics specific to socialist revolutions. Ultimately, Tyner reveals a fundamental tension between individuality and bureaucratic control and its impact on artistic creativity and freedom.

Between 1975 and 1978, the Khmer Rouge carried out genocide in Cambodia unparalleled in modern history. Approximately 2 million died - almost one quarter of the population. Taking an explicitly geographical approach, this book argues whether the Khmer Rouge's activities not only led to genocide, but also terracide - the erasure of space. In the Cambodia of 1975, the landscape would reveal vestiges of an indigenous pre-colonial Khmer society, a French colonialism and American intervention. The Khmer Rouge, however, were not content with retaining the past inscriptions of previous modes of production and spatial practices. Instead, they attempted to erase time and space to create their own utopian vision of a communal society. The Khmer Rouge's erasing and reshaping of space was thus part of a consistent sacrifice of Cambodia and its people - a brutal justification for the killing of a country and the birth of a new place, Democratic Kampuchea. While focusing on Cambodia, the book provides a clearer geographic understanding to genocide in general and insights into the importance of spatial factors in geopolitical conflict.

Since the cessation of major combat operations in Iraq, approximately 120 people - either contract workers or private soldiers - have been abducted, with one-third being executed. The largest contingent of these workers has been provided by the Philippines. Through a specific, though not exclusive, focus on the Philippines connection, this book considers the myriad ways in which transnational labour migration intersects with the occupation of Iraq. Also examining the role of the USA in the Middle East, the book places the war on terror within the practices of neoliberalism, but also links this with migration issues and argues that it is all part of a larger 'business' of conflict.

This groundbreaking book brings an important spatial perspective to our understanding of genocide through a fresh interpretation of Germany under Hitler, Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, and China’s Great Leap Forward famine under Mao. James A. Tyner's powerful analysis of these horrifying cases provides insight into the larger questions of sovereignty and state policies that determine who will live and who will die. Specifically, he explores the government practices that result in genocide and how they are informed by the calculation and valuation of life—and death. A geographical perspective on genocide highlights that mass violence, in the minds of perpetrators, is viewed as an effective—and legitimate—strategy of state building. These three histories of mass violence demonstrate how specific states articulate and act upon particular geographical concepts that determine and devalue the moral worth of groups and individuals. Clearly and compellingly written, this book will bring fresh and valuable insights into state genocidal behavior.

What, James Tyner asks, separates the murder of a runaway youth from the death of a father denied a bone-marrow transplant because of budget cuts? Moving beyond our culture's reductive emphasis on whether a given act of violence is intentional—and may therefore count as deliberate murder—Tyner interrogates the broader forces that produce violence. His uniquely geographic perspective considers where violence takes place (the workplace, the home, the prison, etc.) and how violence moves across space.Approaching violence as one of several methods of constituting space, Tyner examines everything from the way police departments map crime to the emergence of "environmental criminology." Throughout, he casts violence in broad terms—as a realm that is not limited to criminal acts and one that can be divided into the categories of "killing" and "letting die." His framework extends the study of biopolitics by examining the state's role in producing (or failing to produce) a healthy citizenry. It also adds to the new literature on capitalism by articulating the interconnections between violence and political economy. Simply put, capitalism (especially its neoliberal and neoconservative variants) is structured around a valuation of life that fosters a particular abstraction of violence and crime.

In both literature and film, mutants, androids, and aliens have long functioned as humanity’s Other—nonhuman bodies serving as surrogates to explore humanity’s prejudice, bigotry, and hatred. Scholars working in fields of feminism, ethnic studies, queer studies, and disability studies, among others, have deconstructed representations of the Othered body and the ways these fictional depictions provide insight into the contested terrains of identity, subjectivity, and personhood. In science fiction more broadly and the superhero genre in particular, the fictional Other—often a superhero or a villain—is juxtaposed against the normal human, and such Others have long been the subject of academic investigation.Author James T. Tyner shifts this scholarly focus to consider the ordinary humans who ally with or oppose Othered superheroes. Law enforcement officers, military officials, politicians, and the countless, nameless civilians are all examples of humans who try to make sense of a rapidly changing more-than-human and other-than-human universe. The resulting volume, Mutants, Androids, and Aliens: On Being Human in the Marvel Cinematic Universe, provides a critical posthumanist reading of being human in the Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU).Centering the MCU’s secondary human characters, including Matthew Ellis, Ellen Nadeer, Rosalind Price, as well as Jimmy Woo, Sadie Deever, Holden Radcliffe, and others, Tyner considers how these characters attempt to monitor, incarcerate, or exterminate those beings considered "unnatural" and thus threatening. Placing into conversation posthumanism, environmental ethics, and myriad philosophical and biological ontologies of life and death, Tyner maintains that the superhero genre reflects the current complexities of meaningful life—and of what happens in society when "the human" is no longer the unquestioned normative standard.

In both literature and film, mutants, androids, and aliens have long functioned as humanity’s Other—nonhuman bodies serving as surrogates to explore humanity’s prejudice, bigotry, and hatred. Scholars working in fields of feminism, ethnic studies, queer studies, and disability studies, among others, have deconstructed representations of the Othered body and the ways these fictional depictions provide insight into the contested terrains of identity, subjectivity, and personhood. In science fiction more broadly and the superhero genre in particular, the fictional Other—often a superhero or a villain—is juxtaposed against the normal human, and such Others have long been the subject of academic investigation.Author James T. Tyner shifts this scholarly focus to consider the ordinary humans who ally with or oppose Othered superheroes. Law enforcement officers, military officials, politicians, and the countless, nameless civilians are all examples of humans who try to make sense of a rapidly changing more-than-human and other-than-human universe. The resulting volume, Mutants, Androids, and Aliens: On Being Human in the Marvel Cinematic Universe, provides a critical posthumanist reading of being human in the Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU).Centering the MCU’s secondary human characters, including Matthew Ellis, Ellen Nadeer, Rosalind Price, as well as Jimmy Woo, Sadie Deever, Holden Radcliffe, and others, Tyner considers how these characters attempt to monitor, incarcerate, or exterminate those beings considered "unnatural" and thus threatening. Placing into conversation posthumanism, environmental ethics, and myriad philosophical and biological ontologies of life and death, Tyner maintains that the superhero genre reflects the current complexities of meaningful life—and of what happens in society when "the human" is no longer the unquestioned normative standard.

A timely and provocative discussion of alienation as an intersectional category of life under racial capitalism and white supremacy  From the divisiveness of the Trump era to the Covid-19 pandemic, alienation has become an all-too-familiar contemporary concept. In this groundbreaking book, James A. Tyner offers a novel framework for understanding the alienated subject, situating it within racial capitalism and white supremacy. Directly addressing current economic trends and their rhetoric of xenophobia, discrimination, and violence, The Alienated Subject exposes the universal whitewashing of alienation. Drawing insight from a variety of sources, including Marxism, feminism, existentialism, and critical race theory, Tyner develops a critique of both the liberal subject and the alienated subject. Through an engagement with the recent pandemic and the Black Lives Matter movement, he demonstrates how the alienated subject is capable of both compassion and cruelty; it is a sadomasochist. Tyner goes on to emphasize the importance of the particular places we find the alienated subject and how the revolutionary transformation of alienation is inherently a spatial struggle. Returning to key interlocutors from Sartre to Fromm, he examines political notions of distance and the spatial practices of everyday life as well as the capitalist conditions that give rise to the alienated subject.For Tyner, the alienated subject is not the iconic, romanticized image of Marx’s proletariat. Here he calls for an affirmation of love as a revolutionary concept, necessary for the transformation of a society marred by capitalism into an emancipated, caring society conditioned by socially just relations.

A timely and provocative discussion of alienation as an intersectional category of life under racial capitalism and white supremacy  From the divisiveness of the Trump era to the Covid-19 pandemic, alienation has become an all-too-familiar contemporary concept. In this groundbreaking book, James A. Tyner offers a novel framework for understanding the alienated subject, situating it within racial capitalism and white supremacy. Directly addressing current economic trends and their rhetoric of xenophobia, discrimination, and violence, The Alienated Subject exposes the universal whitewashing of alienation. Drawing insight from a variety of sources, including Marxism, feminism, existentialism, and critical race theory, Tyner develops a critique of both the liberal subject and the alienated subject. Through an engagement with the recent pandemic and the Black Lives Matter movement, he demonstrates how the alienated subject is capable of both compassion and cruelty; it is a sadomasochist. Tyner goes on to emphasize the importance of the particular places we find the alienated subject and how the revolutionary transformation of alienation is inherently a spatial struggle. Returning to key interlocutors from Sartre to Fromm, he examines political notions of distance and the spatial practices of everyday life as well as the capitalist conditions that give rise to the alienated subject.For Tyner, the alienated subject is not the iconic, romanticized image of Marx’s proletariat. Here he calls for an affirmation of love as a revolutionary concept, necessary for the transformation of a society marred by capitalism into an emancipated, caring society conditioned by socially just relations.

What America’s intervention in Cambodia during the Vietnam War reveals about Cold War–era U.S. national security strategy   The Apathy of Empire reveals just how significant Cambodia was to U.S. policy in Indochina during the Vietnam War, broadening the lens to include more than the often-cited incursion in 1970 or the illegal bombing after the Paris Peace Accords in 1973. This theoretically informed and thoroughly documented case study argues that U.S. military intervention in Cambodia revealed America’s efforts to construct a hegemonic spatial world order.    James Tyner documents the shift of America’s post-1945 focus from national defense to national security. He demonstrates that America’s expansionist policies abroad, often bolstered by military power, were not so much about occupying territory but instead constituted the construction of a new normal for the exercise of state power. During the Cold War, Vietnam became the geopolitical lodestar of this unfolding spatial order. And yet America’s grand strategy was one of contradiction: to build a sovereign state (South Vietnam) based on democratic liberalism, it was necessary to protect its boundaries-in effect, to isolate it-through both covert and overt operations in violation of Cambodia’s sovereignty. The latter was deemed necessary for the former.    Questioning reductionist geopolitical understandings of states as central or peripheral, Tyner explores this paradox to rethink the formulation of the Cambodian war as sideshow, revealing it instead as a crucial site for the formation of this new normal.     Retail e-book files for this title are screen-reader friendly.