Max Paul Friedman – författare

This international history uncovers an American security program in which Washington reached into fifteen Latin American countries to seize more than 4,000 German expatriates and intern them in the Texas desert. The crowd of Nazi Party members, antifascist exiles, and even Jewish refugees were lumped together in camps riven by strife. The book, first published in 2003, examines the evolution of governmental policy, its impact on individuals and emigrant communities, and the ideological assumptions that blinded officials in both Washington and Berlin to Latin American realities. Franklin Roosevelt's vaunted Good Neighbor policy was a victim of this effort to force reluctant Latin American governments to hand over their German residents, while the operation ruined an opportunity to rescue victims of the Holocaust. This study makes a very contemporary argument: that security measures based on group affiliation rather than individual actions are as unjust and ineffective in foreign policy as they are in law enforcement.

'Anti-Americanism' is an unusual expression; although stereotypes and hostility exist toward every nation, we do not hear of 'anti-Italianism' or 'anti-Brazilianism'. Only Americans have elevated such sentiment to the level of a world view, an explanatory factor so significant as to merit a name - an 'ism' - usually reserved for comprehensive ideological systems or ingrained prejudice. This book challenges the scholarly consensus that blames criticism of the United States on foreigners' irrational resistance to democracy and modernity. Tracing 200 years of the concept of anti-Americanism, this book argues that it has constricted political discourse about social reform and US foreign policy, from the War of 1812 and the Mexican War to the Cold War, from Guatemala and Vietnam to Iraq. Research in nine countries in five languages, with attention to diplomacy, culture, migration and the circulation of ideas, shows that the myth of anti-Americanism has often damaged the national interest.

This international history uncovers an American security program in which Washington reached into fifteen Latin American countries to seize more than 4,000 German expatriates and intern them in the Texas desert. The crowd of Nazi Party members, antifascist exiles, and even Jewish refugees were lumped together in camps riven by strife. The book, first published in 2003, examines the evolution of governmental policy, its impact on individuals and emigrant communities, and the ideological assumptions that blinded officials in both Washington and Berlin to Latin American realities. Franklin Roosevelt's vaunted Good Neighbor policy was a victim of this effort to force reluctant Latin American governments to hand over their German residents, while the operation ruined an opportunity to rescue victims of the Holocaust. This study makes a very contemporary argument: that security measures based on group affiliation rather than individual actions are as unjust and ineffective in foreign policy as they are in law enforcement.

'Anti-Americanism' is an unusual expression; although stereotypes and hostility exist toward every nation, we do not hear of 'anti-Italianism' or 'anti-Brazilianism'. Only Americans have elevated such sentiment to the level of a world view, an explanatory factor so significant as to merit a name - an 'ism' - usually reserved for comprehensive ideological systems or ingrained prejudice. This book challenges the scholarly consensus that blames criticism of the United States on foreigners' irrational resistance to democracy and modernity. Tracing 200 years of the concept of anti-Americanism, this book argues that it has constricted political discourse about social reform and US foreign policy, from the War of 1812 and the Mexican War to the Cold War, from Guatemala and Vietnam to Iraq. Research in nine countries in five languages, with attention to diplomacy, culture, migration and the circulation of ideas, shows that the myth of anti-Americanism has often damaged the national interest.

This unique anthology from scholars across the humanities and allied fields presents a vivid picture of the state of scholarship on transnationalism today.Are we living in a transnational world? The 900 percent rise in the use of “transnationalism” in publications since 1995 testifies to a defining phenomenon. International migration has increased two-thirds since 1980, and the global circulation of capital, media, and culture has intensified, provoking nationalist political backlash worldwide.This collection of studies on exile, social science, indigeneity, gender activism, music and dance, gangs, sex work, narcofiction, and cinema examines how transnational forces influence racial difference, national identity, immigrant exclusion, state power, and cultural expression in the Americas. It explores how the physical and symbolic movement of humans and their artifacts shapes ideas and challenges accepted notions of national and conceptual boundaries among them. By addressing the impact of digital technologies on spatialization, by challenging emerging conventions on transnationalism, and by fostering interdisciplinary exchange, the book enriches our understanding of transnational lives and provides tools for exploring the transnational turn.

This unique anthology from scholars across the humanities and allied fields presents a vivid picture of the state of scholarship on transnationalism today.Are we living in a transnational world? The 900 percent rise in the use of “transnationalism” in publications since 1995 testifies to a defining phenomenon. International migration has increased two-thirds since 1980, and the global circulation of capital, media, and culture has intensified, provoking nationalist political backlash worldwide.This collection of studies on exile, social science, indigeneity, gender activism, music and dance, gangs, sex work, narcofiction, and cinema examines how transnational forces influence racial difference, national identity, immigrant exclusion, state power, and cultural expression in the Americas. It explores how the physical and symbolic movement of humans and their artifacts shapes ideas and challenges accepted notions of national and conceptual boundaries among them. By addressing the impact of digital technologies on spatialization, by challenging emerging conventions on transnationalism, and by fostering interdisciplinary exchange, the book enriches our understanding of transnational lives and provides tools for exploring the transnational turn.

The fourth volume of The Cambridge History of America and the World examines the heights of American global power in the mid-twentieth century and how challenges from at home and abroad altered the United States and its role in the world. The second half of the twentieth century marked the pinnacle of American global power in economic, political, and cultural terms, but even as it reached such heights, the United States quickly faced new challenges to its power, originating both domestically and internationally. Highlighting cutting-edge ideas from scholars from all over the world, this volume anatomizes American power as well as the counters and alternatives to ''the American empire.'' Topics include US economic and military power, American culture overseas, human rights and humanitarianism, third-world internationalism, immigration, communications technology, and the Anthropocene.

The fourth volume of The Cambridge History of America and the World examines the heights of American global power in the mid-twentieth century and how challenges from at home and abroad altered the United States and its role in the world. The second half of the twentieth century marked the pinnacle of American global power in economic, political, and cultural terms, but even as it reached such heights, the United States quickly faced new challenges to its power, originating both domestically and internationally. Highlighting cutting-edge ideas from scholars from all over the world, this volume anatomizes American power as well as the counters and alternatives to ''the American empire.'' Topics include US economic and military power, American culture overseas, human rights and humanitarianism, third-world internationalism, immigration, communications technology, and the Anthropocene.

The fourth volume of The Cambridge History of America and the World examines the heights of American global power in the mid-twentieth century and how challenges from at home and abroad altered the United States and its role in the world. The second half of the twentieth century marked the pinnacle of American global power in economic, political, and cultural terms, but even as it reached such heights, the United States quickly faced new challenges to its power, originating both domestically and internationally. Highlighting cutting-edge ideas from scholars from all over the world, this volume anatomizes American power as well as the counters and alternatives to 'the American empire.' Topics include US economic and military power, American culture overseas, human rights and humanitarianism, third-world internationalism, immigration, communications technology, and the Anthropocene.

The fourth volume of The Cambridge History of America and the World examines the heights of American global power in the mid-twentieth century and how challenges from at home and abroad altered the United States and its role in the world. The second half of the twentieth century marked the pinnacle of American global power in economic, political, and cultural terms, but even as it reached such heights, the United States quickly faced new challenges to its power, originating both domestically and internationally. Highlighting cutting-edge ideas from scholars from all over the world, this volume anatomizes American power as well as the counters and alternatives to 'the American empire.' Topics include US economic and military power, American culture overseas, human rights and humanitarianism, third-world internationalism, immigration, communications technology, and the Anthropocene.

''Anti-Americanism'' is an unusual expression; although stereotypes and hostility exist toward every nation, we do not hear of ''anti-Italianism'' or ''anti-Brazilianism''. Only Americans have elevated such sentiment to the level of a world view, an explanatory factor so significant as to merit a name - an ''ism'' - usually reserved for comprehensive ideological systems or ingrained prejudice. This book challenges the scholarly consensus that blames criticism of the United States on foreigners'' irrational resistance to democracy and modernity. Tracing 200 years of the concept of anti-Americanism, this book argues that it has constricted political discourse about social reform and US foreign policy, from the War of 1812 and the Mexican War to the Cold War, from Guatemala and Vietnam to Iraq. Research in nine countries in five languages, with attention to diplomacy, culture, migration and the circulation of ideas, shows that the myth of anti-Americanism has often damaged the national interest.

''Anti-Americanism'' is an unusual expression; although stereotypes and hostility exist toward every nation, we do not hear of ''anti-Italianism'' or ''anti-Brazilianism''. Only Americans have elevated such sentiment to the level of a world view, an explanatory factor so significant as to merit a name - an ''ism'' - usually reserved for comprehensive ideological systems or ingrained prejudice. This book challenges the scholarly consensus that blames criticism of the United States on foreigners'' irrational resistance to democracy and modernity. Tracing 200 years of the concept of anti-Americanism, this book argues that it has constricted political discourse about social reform and US foreign policy, from the War of 1812 and the Mexican War to the Cold War, from Guatemala and Vietnam to Iraq. Research in nine countries in five languages, with attention to diplomacy, culture, migration and the circulation of ideas, shows that the myth of anti-Americanism has often damaged the national interest.

Después de una ambiciosa investigación, Max Paul Friedman, Profesor del Año 2014 de American University en Washington, D.C., examina doscientos años del desarrollo del valor simbólico de "América" en el imaginario colectivo y de la creciente influencia política, cultural, militar y económica estadounidense para plantear una nueva interpretación de uno de los mitos nacionales más importantes de Estados Unidos y su relación con el resto del mundo: el "antiamericanismo".El autor muestra el enorme impacto del concepto, que fue desarrollado por conservadores estadounidenses ya en el siglo diecinueve para acallar a la izquierda, tildando así por un lado de desleal a toda crítica interna y, por otro lado, de irracional a toda resistencia que encontró en el extranjero. Desde la guerra de 1812 y la guerra contra México hasta las intervenciones estadounidenses en Vietnam y en Iraq, el mito del antiamericanismo ha contribuido a políticas belicosas y a la incomprensión mutua que periódicamente crece entre EEUU y muchos otros países.El libro analiza la tortuosa relación con América Latina, desde la construcción de un imperio en el Caribe en 1898 hasta la Guerra Fría. Luchadores por la independencia como José Martí o Jacobo Arbenz, e intelectuales como José Enrique Rodó o Carlos Fuentes, fueron tildados de "antiamericanos", cuando en realidad eran críticos de distintos aspectos de la política o la sociedad estadounidense, así como también lo eran de otras sociedades. Revela nuevas informaciones extraídas de documentos secretos sobre los sucesivos golpes de Estado impulsados por la CIA contra gobiernos democráticos. Los funcionarios estadounidenses, la prensa y la mayoría de los académicos dieron por sentada la existencia de un extendido rechazo a los valores que representa su país, sobre todo la democracia, el progreso y la libertad...

Bajo la excusa del terror nazi, los Estados Unidos internaron a más de cuatro mil alemanes, residentes en Latinoamérica, en campos de trabajo del desierto de Texas. Algunos de ellos eran miembros del partido nazi; otros, judíos que huían de Europa y fueron hechos prisioneros junto a sus enemigos y deportados de nuevo a Alemania; en su mayoría, alemanes sin una vinculación política directa. Este exhaustivo ensayo analiza los primitivos guantanamos y la llamada política de buena vecindad que los Estados Unidos llevaría a la práctica con una red de servicios de espionaje, como el FBI o la CIA, para hacerse con los mercados y sistemas políticos de gran parte de Latinoamérica.