Susanne Taron – författare

Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,0, University of Munster (Politikwissenschaft - European Studies), course: European Law, language: English, abstract: The European Union today represents undeniably one of the most unusual yet comprehensible political actors in the in the international system. Since the early wake of the 1950s, its capacity has gradually expanded to encompass foreign policy initiatives, ranging from a vast array of foreign policy tools including economic, diplomatic, and now to a very limited extent military operations related to peacekeeping and peace enforcement. This capacity, however, was neither included in the original Treaty of Rome, nor was it predicted by the many observers of European integration. Indeed, when the Treaty establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) was first signed in 1957, the predominant political philosophy held at the time was driven by the deduction that European market integration would bring untrammelled economic growth and prosperity to the region, and that consequently armed conflict which had evidently plagued the European continent for over half a century prior to the conclusion of the Second World War, would become an event of the past. Certainly at this time, no mention was given to the fact that European economic strength should and would translate over into greater foreign policy influence in the international system. While admittedly there were attempts to create a European foreign policy involving the member states of the European Community (EC) which had predated the EEC under the Treaty of Rome, namely the Gasperi initiative of 1952. 1 Such attempts would accompany the ill-fated endeavour to create a European Defence Community under the original six members of the ECSC which had blatantly floundered. Indeed, member states of the EC would have to wait until the 1970s before they could engage in a process of foreign policy cooperation under the European Political Cooperation (EPC) of 1970, in of which, would subsequently become legalized under the Single European Act of 1987. New threats and new requirements concomitant to the rapid geopolitical changes that had transpired from post-Cold War disarticulation would ultimately abet the EPC to elapse under the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty (TEU). Entering into force on November 1, 1993, the TEU provided the EU with new and enhanced competencies, one of which would be the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) which would be representative of the second intergovernmental pillar of the EU's architecture. [...]

Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - Region: Western Europe, grade: 1,0, University of Munster (Politikwissenschaft - European Studies), course: European Social Policies, language: English, abstract: Armed conflict, economic despair, and systematic violations of human rights have produced unprecedented challenges to today's international system. It is thus; the post-Cold War era has become witness to significant alterations in global politics that has subsequently generated acute increases in the number of worldwide migrants. Consequently, it is the relationship staggered between immigration and welfare that continues to become an increasingly salient European affair. Immigration continues to remain a contentious issue spawning vigorous debates intensely focused on welfare and social rights. Areimmigrants likely to make positive contributions to welfare states? Or are immigrants rather liable to be a threat, posingfinancial, social and political burdens, and an overall risk to the survival of these welfare states? Underpinning these ubiquitousquestions has been a realignment of debates about the needs and resources of European welfare states, with the renewed interest in immigration as a means of offsetting skills and labour market shortages, while countering the effects of a demographicallyaging European population.1Immigration additionally has beenviewed as a means in achieving the European Union's ambitious Lisbon targets, in that Europe "e;would become the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world, capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion"e;.2Yet as with most social issues, the simple term 'immigration' fails to do justice to the wide range of issues that this policy area entails. In fact, there is much to be said about the composition of immigrants, and it would be a huge oversight to classify immigration as though it were homogenous. An acute distinction must be drawn between 'desired' and 'undesired' forms of immigration, in the ways in which debates about needs and resources have been recast in Europe. Indeed, it seems that through this differentiation, European welfare states have pursued a janus-headed approach to immigration, in that European welfare states continue to open their doors, to highly-skilled immigrants, deemed as positive, but on the otherhand have continued to vigorously close their doors, particularly to asylum immigrants, which have become increasingly unwanted and the source of restrictive polices.

Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - Region: Western Europe, grade: 1,0, University of Munster (Politikwissenschaft - European Studies), course: European Institutions, language: English, abstract: Headquartered in Strasbourg France, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) was established to in 1959 enforce the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, concluded under the aegis of the Council of Europe. 1 The Court, by absorbing the expansive provisions of the European Convention alongside its "e;living document"e; philosophy of interpretation, has irrefutably become a powerful international organization in the area of human rights. Indeed, the Court through its progressive social agenda upheld by the forty-six member states of the Council has grown into one of the largest, and perhaps most exemplary international judicial bodies. [...]