Andrew Gamble – författare

Varför är politik viktigt? Och varför ska man studera politik?Ofta hamnar politikens negativa sidor i fokus med korruption, intriger och maktspel. Men utan politiken skulle människan inte kunna leva som individ och medborgare i det moderna samhället. Och utan politiken skulle inte storskaliga framsteg kunna ske. Det var genom politik som slaveriet avskaffades, och det är genom politik som kvinnor och minoriteter tillkämpat sig rättigheter och en starkare ställning i samhället. I Att studera politik förklarar Andrew Gamble vilken roll politik spelar i samhällen världen över, och visar på vikten av politiskt engagerade medborgare. Samtidigt är boken en introduktion till olika idéer om hur politik bäst studeras. Som sådan är den en kort och lättillgänglig introduktion till ämnet statsvetenskap.

The study of British politics has been reinvigorated in recent years as a generation of new scholars seeks to build-upon a distinct disciplinary heritage while also exploring new empirical territory and finds much support and encouragement from previous generations in forging new grounds in relation to theory and methods. It is in this context that The Oxford Handbook of British Politics has been conceived. The central ambition of the Handbook is not just to illustrate both the breadth and depth of scholarship that is to be found within the field. It also seeks to demonstrate the vibrancy and critical self-reflection that has cultivated a much sharper and engaging, and notably less insular, approach to the terrain it seeks to explore and understand. In this emphasis on critical engagement, disciplinary evolution, and a commitment to shaping rather than re-stating the discipline The Oxford Handbook of British Politics is consciously distinctive. In showcasing the diversity now found in the analysis of British politics, the Handbook is built upon three foundations. The first principle that underpins the volume is a broad understanding of ''the political''. It covers a much broader range of topics, themes and issues than would commonly be found within a book on British politics. This emphasis on an inclusive approach also characterises the second principle that has shaped this collection - namely, diversity in relation to commissioned authors. The final principle focuses on the distinctiveness of the study of British politics. Each chapter seeks to reflect on what is distinctive- both in terms of the empirical nature of the issue of concern, and the theories and methods that have been deployed to unravel the nature and causes of the debate. The result is a unique volume that: draws-upon the intellectual strengths of the study of British politics; reflects the innate diversity and inclusiveness of the discipline; isolates certain distinctive issues and then reflects on their broader international relevance; and finally looks to the future by pointing towards emerging or overlooked areas of research.

The study of British politics has been reinvigorated in recent years as a generation of new scholars seeks to build-upon a distinct disciplinary heritage while also exploring new empirical territory and finds much support and encouragement from previous generations in forging new grounds in relation to theory and methods. It is in this context that The Oxford Handbook of British Politics has been conceived. The central ambition of the Handbook is not just to illustrate both the breadth and depth of scholarship that is to be found within the field. It also seeks to demonstrate the vibrancy and critical self-reflection that has cultivated a much sharper and engaging, and notably less insular, approach to the terrain it seeks to explore and understand. In this emphasis on critical engagement, disciplinary evolution, and a commitment to shaping rather than re-stating the discipline The Oxford Handbook of British Politics is consciously distinctive. In showcasing the diversity now found in the analysis of British politics, the Handbook is built upon three foundations. The first principle that underpins the volume is a broad understanding of 'the political'. It covers a much broader range of topics, themes and issues than would commonly be found within a book on British politics. This emphasis on an inclusive approach also characterises the second principle that has shaped this collection - namely, diversity in relation to commissioned authors. The final principle focuses on the distinctiveness of the study of British politics. Each chapter seeks to reflect on what is distinctive- both in terms of the empirical nature of the issue of concern, and the theories and methods that have been deployed to unravel the nature and causes of the debate. The result is a unique volume that: draws-upon the intellectual strengths of the study of British politics; reflects the innate diversity and inclusiveness of the discipline; isolates certain distinctive issues and then reflects on their broader international relevance; and finally looks to the future by pointing towards emerging or overlooked areas of research.

The study of British politics has been reinvigorated in recent years as a generation of new scholars seeks to build upon a distinct disciplinary heritage while also exploring new empirical territory and finds much support and encouragement from previous generations in forging new grounds in relation to theory and methods. It is in this context that The Oxford Handbook of British Politics has been conceived. The central ambition of the Handbook is not just to illustrate both the breadth and depth of scholarship that is to be found within the field. It also seeks to demonstrate the vibrancy and critical self-refl ection that has cultivated a much sharper and engaging, and notably less insular, approach to the terrain it seeks to explore and understand. In this emphasis on critical engagement, disciplinary evolution, and a commitment to shaping rather than re-stating the discipline, The Oxford Handbook of British Politics is consciously distinctive.

After a long feast of prosperity in the western world, the crisis in the financial markets has conjured up an old spectre – the spectre of capitalist crisis, which many thought had been finally exorcised. On past experience, a full-blown capitalist crisis would bring with it the threat of slump, collapse, polarisation, conflict, and even war, spreading to all parts of the global economy - hence the great efforts being made to contain the present downturn. This important new book by a leading authority sets the financial crisis of 2007/8 in historical context and assesses its global consequences, how far it might go, and what is to be done.

This major re-assessment by a leading political economist shows that the 2008 financial crash was no ordinary crisis, but the harbinger of a much deeper convulsion comparable to the major past crises of capitalism. While it is still uncertain whether it will become a transformative crisis for the international order, what we do know already is that:- While the crash particularly affected western states, and those unevenly, no part of the international economy is immune from its effects.- While the immediate crisis was contained, its magnitude is shown by how long it has taken western economies to recover, and by the need for exceptional measures, such as near-zero interest rates over a prolonged period.- There is not a single crisis, but a series of crises, highlighting in particular a deeper set of dilemmas about western leadership, democracy and prosperity which unless addressed, will preclude sustained recovery and pave the way to new and deeper crises.Andrew Gamble maps out likely scenarios in a turbulent world in which the weakening of the old western international order as a result of the decline in the capacities and will of the United States combine with internal deadlocks in both the US and the Eurozone over the management of austerity and debt and in many of the rising powers, especially China, over the management of growth and rising expectations. The path to a new era of prosperity depends on a reformed international order, solutions to budget as well as fiscal deficits, and new forms of sustainable growth. But these demand a political will so far notable by its absence at all levels without which there is little prospect of escape from a future of crisis without end.

This major re-assessment by a leading political economist shows that the 2008 financial crash was no ordinary crisis, but the harbinger of a much deeper convulsion comparable to the major past crises of capitalism. While it is still uncertain whether it will become a transformative crisis for the international order, what we do know already is that:- While the crash particularly affected western states, and those unevenly, no part of the international economy is immune from its effects.- While the immediate crisis was contained, its magnitude is shown by how long it has taken western economies to recover, and by the need for exceptional measures, such as near-zero interest rates over a prolonged period.- There is not a single crisis, but a series of crises, highlighting in particular a deeper set of dilemmas about western leadership, democracy and prosperity which unless addressed, will preclude sustained recovery and pave the way to new and deeper crises.Andrew Gamble maps out likely scenarios in a turbulent world in which the weakening of the old western international order as a result of the decline in the capacities and will of the United States combine with internal deadlocks in both the US and the Eurozone over the management of austerity and debt and in many of the rising powers, especially China, over the management of growth and rising expectations. The path to a new era of prosperity depends on a reformed international order, solutions to budget as well as fiscal deficits, and new forms of sustainable growth. But these demand a political will so far notable by its absence at all levels without which there is little prospect of escape from a future of crisis without end.

Women, Identity and Private Life in Britain, 1900-50, explores the meanings and experience of home and private life for women who grew up in England before 1950. It considers the extent to which class, suburbanisation and historical moment as well as gender constructed women's understanding of domesticity, and discusses the part played by conceptions of home and private life in the shaping of identities. Oral narratives, fiction, autobiography and diaries are used in conjunction with psychoanalytic, linguistic and historical explanations of women's lives to map a psychological as well as a social history of women's relationship to the home in the early part of this century.

This book is a concise guide to the main doctrines and trends in Western social and political thought since the French Revolution. Clearly and simply written, the book includes brief biographical details of major individual thinkers as well as an annotated bibliography which gives guidance to further reading.

An attempt to provide an account of the genesis of Thatcherism in opposition, its record in government, its relationship to the Conservative tradition and the ideological challenge of the New Right. The manner in which Thatcherism has been analysed by the Left and the Right is assessed.

The objective of this present volume is to analyse the response to the developments and the consequences for the conduct of monetary policy in five industrial countries. Also considered is the stability of hitherto established relationships between economic variables on which the reliability of monetary policy measures depends. The volume further covers some of the international aspects involved and the important implications of the emerging dominant and persistent flows of long-term capital across the exchanges.

British politics has been crucially shaped by England's role as pioneer of capitalism, by the experience of Empire, and by the particular form of its union with Scotland, Ireland and Wales. With the decline of Empire the attempt to bridge Europe and America has become ever more central to Britain's identity, political economy and ideology. In this major new book, Andrew Gamble assesses the major transformations of British politics under Thatcher and Blair and the stark choices for the future at the start of the 21st century.Winner of the W. J. M. Mackenzie Prize for best book published in political science in 2003.

British politics has been crucially shaped by England's role as pioneer of capitalism, by the experience of Empire, and by the particular form of its union with Scotland, Ireland and Wales. With the decline of Empire the attempt to bridge Europe and America has become ever more central to Britain's identity, political economy and ideology. In this major new book, Andrew Gamble assesses the major transformations of British politics under Thatcher and Blair and the stark choices for the future at the start of the 21st century.Winner of the W. J. M. Mackenzie Prize for best book published in political science in 2003.

This account - revised and updated to cover Thatcher's fall and legacy - analyzes the ideology, statecraft and economic and social programme of the Thatcher government. It explores rival interpretations of Thatcherism and assesses Thatcherism's impact.

The Thatcher era was a turbulent and controversial period in British politics. Andrew Gamble's authoritative account - now revised and updated to cover Thatcher's fall and legacy - analyses the ideology, statecraft, and economic and social programme of the Thatcher Government. He explores rival interpretations of Thatcherism and assesses the evidence for claims that the Thatcher Government transformed British politics. A new conclusion considers the Conservative Party after Thatcher.New to this Edition:- Both Thatcher's fall and legacy covered in this text- New conclusion appraising the Conservative party in the wake of Thatcher

For a hundred years, Britain's decline as a great power has gone hand in hand with the relative decline of the British economy. Andrew Gamble's much acclaimed book provides a historical account of Britain's rise and fall and a succinct introduction to the main explanations of decline and political strategies for reversing it. The fourth edition has been updated throughout and a new concluding chapter assesses the state of debate and of the British economy after the Thatcher decade.

Regionalism and World Order assesses the origins, significance and likely evolution of the trend towards regionalism within the world order. It analyses how states have been responding to the end of US hegemony and assesses the extent to which new regional blocs are emerging and their nature. These questions are analysed through detailed case studies of the three most advanced regions of the world economy - the Americas, the European Union, and East Asia - firstly from the standpoint of the 'core' state or states, and secondly from that of the 'peripheral' states.

Regionalism and World Order assesses the origins, significance and likely evolution of the trend towards regionalism within the world order. It analyses how states have been responding to the end of US hegemony and assesses the extent to which new regional blocs are emerging and their nature. These questions are analysed through detailed case studies of the three most advanced regions of the world economy - the Americas, the European Union, and East Asia - firstly from the standpoint of the 'core' state or states, and secondly from that of the 'peripheral' states.

Women, Identity and Private Life in Britain, 1900-50, explores the meanings and experience of home and private life for women who grew up in England before 1950. It considers the extent to which class, suburbanisation and historical moment as well as gender constructed women's understanding of domesticity, and discusses the part played by conceptions of home and private life in the shaping of identities. Oral narratives, fiction, autobiography and diaries are used in conjunction with psychoanalytic, linguistic and historical explanations of women's lives to map a psychological as well as a social history of women's relationship to the home in the early part of this century.

This major reassessment of the relevance of Marxism in the social sciences decisively rebuts claims that it has been consigned to the dustbin of history by the collapse of communism and apparent triumph of capitalism and liberal democracy. The book first considers how Marxism has engaged with various critiques including Postmodernism, New Right theory and Feminism before assessing its continuing utility as a framework for analysis of a range of substantive issues from class and the state to culture, ecology and globalization.

This important textbook is designed to complement the highly successful Developments in British Politics - with its focus on contemporary features of institutions, policy and issues - by providing a concise and coherent analysis of the enduring features of British politics and the underlying principles of the British constitution. Bringing together original, specially-commissioned chapters by leading authorities, it will rapidly establish itself as a landmark text.

Since the election of Tony Blair to the leadership of the Labour party in 1997 and the party's subsequent electoral triumph in 1997 after eighteen years in opposition there has been intense speculation about what the Labour party now stands for. Does the party still have a clear set of values and beliefs which guide it in government? Can it still be described as a social democratic party? Recently Tony Blair has called his political approach a Third Way between new Right and old Labour. The essays in this book by leading authorities on social democracy and the politics of new Labour ask whether new Labour is a complete break with the Labour past and with European social democracy, or whether it should be seen as a powerful restatement of social democratic ideas in a new context.

With the emergence of neo-liberalism in the 1980s as the dominant domestic and international political-economic orthodoxy, labour as both a social category and political movement tended to be written off or ignored by academics, politicians and commentators. However, at a time when the world’s working class is growing faster than at any previous time in history and neo-liberalism is widely challenged, this orthodoxy is clearly inadequate. The spread of global production means that to ignore labour, its organisations, interests and politics, is to ignore one of the key components of that process. Labour organisations have not gone away and neither has the state: their relationship remains as significant as ever. The strategic relationship between trade unions and social movements, nationally and internationally, has also developed markedly, especially in the south. New patterns of resistance are emerging to challenge global capital and those who assert that globalisation is irresistible.

Politics was once regarded as an activity which could give human societies control over their fate. However, there is now a deep pessimism about the ability of human beings to control anything very much, least of all through politics. This new fatalism about the human condition claims that we are living in the iron cages erected by vast impersonal forces arising from globalization and technology: a society that is both anti-political and unpolitical, a society without hope or the means either to imagine or promote an alternative future. It reflects the disillusion of political hopes in liberal and socialist utopias in the twentieth century and a widespread disenchantment with the grand narratives of the Enlightenment about reason and progress, and with modernity itself. The most characteristic expression of this disenchantment is the endless discourses on endism - the end of history, the end of ideology, the end of the nation-state, the end of authority, the end of government, the end of the public realm, the end of politics itself - all have been proclaimed in recent years. Andrew Gamble's new book argues against the fatalism implicit in so many of these discourses, as well as against the fatalism that has always been present in many of the central discourses of modernity. It sets out a defence of politics and the political, explains why we cannot do without politics, and probes the complex relationship between politics and fate, and the continuing and necessary tension between them. This book will be essential reading for students and scholars of politics, public affairs and political thought.

Politics was once regarded as an activity which could give human societies control over their fate. However, there is now a deep pessimism about the ability of human beings to control anything very much, least of all through politics. This new fatalism about the human condition claims that we are living in the iron cages erected by vast impersonal forces arising from globalization and technology: a society that is both anti-political and unpolitical, a society without hope or the means either to imagine or promote an alternative future. It reflects the disillusion of political hopes in liberal and socialist utopias in the twentieth century and a widespread disenchantment with the grand narratives of the Enlightenment about reason and progress, and with modernity itself. The most characteristic expression of this disenchantment is the endless discourses on endism - the end of history, the end of ideology, the end of the nation-state, the end of authority, the end of government, the end of the public realm, the end of politics itself - all have been proclaimed in recent years. Andrew Gamble's new book argues against the fatalism implicit in so many of these discourses, as well as against the fatalism that has always been present in many of the central discourses of modernity. It sets out a defence of politics and the political, explains why we cannot do without politics, and probes the complex relationship between politics and fate, and the continuing and necessary tension between them. This book will be essential reading for students and scholars of politics, public affairs and political thought.

Hayek has been one of the key liberal thinkers of the twentieth century. He has also been much misunderstood. His work has crossed disciplines - economics, philosophy and political science - and national boundaries. He was an early critic of Keynes, and became famous in the 1940s for his warnings that the advance of collectivism in western democracies was the road to serfdom. He was a key figure in the post-war revival of free market liberalism and achieved renewed notoriety and some political influence in the 1970s and 1980s as one of the chief intellectual inspirations for the New Right in Britain and the United States.

This book traces Hayek''s intellectual formation in Austrian economics and English liberalism. It analyzes the main themes of his thought such as the idea of a market order, the nature of knowledge, the limits of government, and his critiques of socialism and conservatism, and assesses the originality and internal coherence of his account of liberalism and modernity as well as his interventions in policy debates. It argues that Hayek the social scientist has to be disentangled from Hayek the ideologue in order to appreciate the importance and implications of some of his insights into the nature of modern societies.

As a critical guide to one of the most influential thinkers of our times, this book is an indispensable source. It will be of interest to students in politics, economics and philosophy, as well as to all those interested in a comprehensive introduction to one of the most controversial thinkers of the twentieth century.

Politics was once regarded as an activity which could give human societies control over their fate. However, there is now a deep pessimism about the ability of human beings to control anything very much, least of all through politics. This new fatalism about the human condition claims that we are living in the iron cages erected by vast impersonal forces arising from globalization and technology: a society that is both anti-political and unpolitical, a society without hope or the means either to imagine or promote an alternative future. It reflects the disillusion of political hopes in liberal and socialist utopias in the twentieth century and a widespread disenchantment with the grand narratives of the Enlightenment about reason and progress, and with modernity itself.

The most characteristic expression of this disenchantment is the endless discourses on endism - the end of history, the end of ideology, the end of the nation-state, the end of authority, the end of government, the end of the public realm, the end of politics itself - all have been proclaimed in recent years.

Andrew Gamble''s new book argues against the fatalism implicit in so many of these discourses, as well as against the fatalism that has always been present in many of the central discourses of modernity. It sets out a defence of politics and the political, explains why we cannot do without politics, and probes the complex relationship between politics and fate, and the continuing and necessary tension between them.

This book will be essential reading for students and scholars of politics, public affairs and political thought.

After the most serious economic crash since the 1930s and the slowest recovery on record, austerity rules. Spending on the welfare state did not cause the crisis, but deep cuts in welfare budgets has become the default policy response. The welfare state is seen as a burden on wealth creation which can no longer be afforded in an ever more competitive global economy. There are calls for it to be dismantled altogether.In this incisive book, leading political economist Andrew Gamble explains why western societies still need generous inclusive welfare states for all their citizens, and are rich enough to provide them. Welfare states can survive, he argues, but only if there is the political will to reform them and to fund them.

After the most serious economic crash since the 1930s and the slowest recovery on record, austerity rules. Spending on the welfare state did not cause the crisis, but deep cuts in welfare budgets has become the default policy response. The welfare state is seen as a burden on wealth creation which can no longer be afforded in an ever more competitive global economy. There are calls for it to be dismantled altogether.In this incisive book, leading political economist Andrew Gamble explains why western societies still need generous inclusive welfare states for all their citizens, and are rich enough to provide them. Welfare states can survive, he argues, but only if there is the political will to reform them and to fund them.