Arthur H. Garrison – författare

From the foundation of the American Republic, presidents have had to deal with both internal and external national security threats. From President Washington and his policy of neutrality during the wars between Great Britain and France in the eighteenth century, to President Lincoln and the war to save the union, to President Wilson during the war to end all wars, to President Roosevelt and war of the Greatest Generation, to President Truman and his steel during the forgotten war, and most recently to President Bush and the War on Terror, presidents have had to use their power as commander-in-chief to meet the challenges of national crisis and war. The judiciary, specifically the Supreme Court, has also played an integral part in the historical development and defining of the commander-in-chief power in times of war and national crisis from the earliest days of the republic. How these powers have grown is a consequence of how the presidents have viewed the office of the presidency and how the judiciary has interpreted the commander-in-chief and executive power clauses of the U.S. Constitution over time. Supreme Court Jurisprudence in Times of National Crisis, Terrorism, and War provides a chronological review of the major national security and war events in American history. Garrison reviews the great debates between Hamilton and Madison and Chief Justice Roger Taney and Attorney General Edward Bates on presidential executive power and how subsequent presidents have adopted the Hamiltonian view of the presidency. He also examines how Article III courts, specifically the Supreme Court, have defined, expanded, and established boundaries on the commander-in-chief power. With this historical backdrop, Garrison reveals how, for over two centuries, the judiciary has defended the rule of law and maintained the principle that under the U.S. Constitution neither the guns of war nor threats to safety have silenced the rule of law.

American political history has a rhythm and a progression. Part of that progression is White populist anger and resentment. The Forgotten Man and White Populist Resentment: Power, Politics, and Narrative Dominance in the Trump Era traces how this White populism rose to dominate the Republican Party primary base, how the populist campaigns of Pat Buchanan and Newt Gingrich paved the way for the rise of Donald Trump, and how he maintains narrative dominance over both parties and American political discourse.Elites in Britain were the focus of resentment in the Revolutionary Era, as they presumed to tell the colonists that they were subject to taxes and domination of Great Britain. By the 1850s, populist resentment was transferred to the national government because it told the freedom‑loving, individual liberty‑defending, slave‑owning South that slavery was evil and would not be allowed to spread into the west. Both before and after suffering defeat, the poor White Southern male was told that he was equal with the elites of the Southern slave aristocracy because both are White and superior to all Blacks.This resentment found a new iteration when the national government, using the power of the courts and the army, ended a century of Jim Crow forcing the White voters in Congressman Jim Jordan’s flyover country to live with Blacks as equals under the law. In 1969, Newsweek famously depicted the “Forgotten American” in this new social‑engineered America and the resentment of the imposed change in the cultural society the White voter was required to live in by the late 1960s. These voters resented that the America they now lived in was not the one they grew up in. The loss of “their” America was attributed to the federal government being controlled by social elites in Washington D.C. as well as Wall Street elites who in the 1990s asserted free trade and moved the factory jobs of the forgotten man overseas.Presenting a clear and accessible narrative around the development of white populism and its resentment that shapes the narratives and rhetoric of the Trump era, this book is crucial for understanding the domestic and foreign policy initiatives of “America First” and “Make America Great Again.”

American political history has a rhythm and a progression. Part of that progression is White populist anger and resentment. The Forgotten Man and White Populist Resentment: Power, Politics, and Narrative Dominance in the Trump Era traces how this White populism rose to dominate the Republican Party primary base, how the populist campaigns of Pat Buchanan and Newt Gingrich paved the way for the rise of Donald Trump, and how he maintains narrative dominance over both parties and American political discourse.Elites in Britain were the focus of resentment in the Revolutionary Era, as they presumed to tell the colonists that they were subject to taxes and domination of Great Britain. By the 1850s, populist resentment was transferred to the national government because it told the freedom‑loving, individual liberty‑defending, slave‑owning South that slavery was evil and would not be allowed to spread into the west. Both before and after suffering defeat, the poor White Southern male was told that he was equal with the elites of the Southern slave aristocracy because both are White and superior to all Blacks.This resentment found a new iteration when the national government, using the power of the courts and the army, ended a century of Jim Crow forcing the White voters in Congressman Jim Jordan’s flyover country to live with Blacks as equals under the law. In 1969, Newsweek famously depicted the “Forgotten American” in this new social‑engineered America and the resentment of the imposed change in the cultural society the White voter was required to live in by the late 1960s. These voters resented that the America they now lived in was not the one they grew up in. The loss of “their” America was attributed to the federal government being controlled by social elites in Washington D.C. as well as Wall Street elites who in the 1990s asserted free trade and moved the factory jobs of the forgotten man overseas.Presenting a clear and accessible narrative around the development of white populism and its resentment that shapes the narratives and rhetoric of the Trump era, this book is crucial for understanding the domestic and foreign policy initiatives of “America First” and “Make America Great Again.”

It is a truism that whites are more likely to perceive American criminal justice as just and fair, while blacks are more likely to view the system with distrust and belief it is biased against them. The difference is in the divergent historical and contemporary life experiences of both groups.Chained to the System: The History and Politics of Black Incarceration in America explores the experience of blacks under American law beginning with the linking of black skin to the institution of slavery, prohibiting the applicability of slave status to whites, and the passage of slave laws that defined protection of legal rights by skin color. Subsequent policies include the development of policing through the use of slave patrols pre-Civil War, the origin of disproportionate black incarceration through the imposition of criminal surety and other involuntary servitude laws post-Civil War, and the "get tough on crime" laws and political rhetoric of presidents Nixon, Reagan, and Clinton.Presenting these historical events in the context of contemporary discourse on black incarceration and police use of force, Chained to the System provides an unflinching look at American criminal justice and its relationship with blacks.

History is storytelling. History is the selection of facts, placed in a specific order, to result in a specific conclusion. It’s the choice of facts, the prioritization of facts, and the ignoring of facts, that creates the narrative of history -- the narrative of the American story. The American story is the creation of specific historical events and the meanings that have been applied to them. Since America is defined by ideas and not ethnicity, it matters what narratives of America that Americans accept, support, and defend. White Narratives Matter: The Whitewashing of the American Story and How Racial Narratives Explain the Development of Trumpism uses original speeches and writings of politicians and other social leaders, from Thomas Jefferson to Tucker Carlson to explore how the White social conservative worldviewnarrative of American history developed over the past two centuries. White Narratives Matter explores how this process of fact selection, prioritization, and development of White social conservative rhetoric of the American story has defined American politics and policies, which culminated in the rise of Donald Trump and Trumpism within the American political landscape.

MAGA and the White Social Conservative Worldview: The Rhetoric that Colonized the Republican Party examines how political narratives of the American myth created the road that Donald Trump used to colonize and take control of not only the Republican Party but the Republican base voter that was created through the political narratives of politicians including Thomas Jefferson, John Calhoun, Strom Thurmond, George Wallace, Barry Goldwater, Ronald Reagan, Richard Nixon, Pat Buchanan, and Newt Gingrich. All of which culminated in the rhetoric and politics of the Tea Party and its subsequent champion Donald Trump. MAGA and the White Social Conservative Worldview examines how Trump benefited from decades of resentment, Southern Strategy politics and narratives within White social conservatism within the Republican Party. Donald Trump is the heir of the party, with the seismic party change of Strom Thurmond and a large bloc of Southern voters in reaction to Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts of the 1960s and the Republican’s ultimate adoption of the politics of states’ rights and fear of tyranny from the federal government. This book summarizes foundational rhetorical narratives of the Whitesocial conservative worldview that formed the basis for the rise of its newest incantation – Trumpism and how this newest iteration of ideas dating back to Jefferson and Calhoun colonized the modern Republican Party.