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This book analyzes the political thought of Frederick Douglass within the larger Black Republican tradition of the nineteenth century. It argues that Douglass's overriding goal during five decades of public life was to cultivate a political order across the western hemisphere that would ensure self-determination as a universal right. To this end, the book examines Douglass's views on national sovereignty, democratic citizenship, civic virtue, and economic independence. Douglass's expansive--though largely unrealized--visions for emancipation and integration offers a constructive framework for the pursuit of racial justice today. This is because Douglass builds his philosophy on a robust conception of freedom as nondomination--for individuals and for society at large--and, crucially, thinks through what it would take to overcome systemic forms of domination. What makes Douglass's approach distinctively republican is its reliance on structural as well as moral reforms--changes to how political and economic power is distributed within American society alongside changes in how Americans (of all races) use the power they have.
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As an electoral bloc, contemporary white evangelical Christians maintain a remarkable ideological and partisan conformity, perhaps unmatched by any other community outside of African Americans. Historically, evangelicals have supported various political parties, but their approach to civil religion, or the way that they apply the spiritual to the public realm, has, as Republican Theology argues, been consistent in its substance since the founding of the nation. Put simply, this civil religion holds that limited government and a free-market are essential to the cultivation of Christian virtue, while the livelihood of the republic depends on the virtue of its citizens. While evangelicals have long promoted conservative moral causes, from temperance and anti-obscenity in the nineteenth century to abstinence education in the twentieth, they have also aligned themselves on many other seemingly unrelated agendas: in support of the Revolution in the 1770s, on antislavery in the 1820s, against labor unionism in the 1880s, against the New Deal in the 1930s, on assertive anticommunism in the 1950s (a major theme in Billy Graham's early sermons), and in favor of deregulation and lower taxes in the 1980s. As Benjamin T. Lynerd contends, the rise of the "New Right " movement at the end of the twentieth century had as much to do with small-government ideology as with a recovery of traditional morality. This libertarian ethos combined with restrictive public moralism is conflicted, and it creates friction both within the New Right alliance and within the church, particularly among evangelicals interested in social justice. Still, it has formed the entire subtext of evangelical participation in American politics from the 1770s into the twenty-first century. Lynerd looks at the evolution of evangelical civil religion, or "republican theology " to demonstrate how evangelicals navigate this logic.
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As an electoral bloc, contemporary white evangelical Christians maintain a remarkable ideological and partisan conformity, perhaps unmatched by any other community outside of African Americans. Historically, evangelicals have supported various political parties, but their approach to civil religion, or the way that they apply the spiritual to the public realm, has, as Republican Theology argues, been consistent in its substance since the founding of the nation. Put simply, this civil religion holds that limited government and a free-market are essential to the cultivation of Christian virtue, while the livelihood of the republic depends on the virtue of its citizens. While evangelicals have long promoted conservative moral causes, from temperance and anti-obscenity in the nineteenth century to abstinence education in the twentieth, they have also aligned themselves on many other seemingly unrelated agendas: in support of the Revolution in the 1770s, on antislavery in the 1820s, against labor unionism in the 1880s, against the New Deal in the 1930s, on assertive anticommunism in the 1950s (a major theme in Billy Graham's early sermons), and in favor of deregulation and lower taxes in the 1980s. As Benjamin T. Lynerd contends, the rise of the "New Right " movement at the end of the twentieth century had as much to do with small-government ideology as with a recovery of traditional morality. This libertarian ethos combined with restrictive public moralism is conflicted, and it creates friction both within the New Right alliance and within the church, particularly among evangelicals interested in social justice. Still, it has formed the entire subtext of evangelical participation in American politics from the 1770s into the twenty-first century. Lynerd looks at the evolution of evangelical civil religion, or "republican theology " to demonstrate how evangelicals navigate this logic.
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The studies in this book, which span every inhabited continent, follow a three-stage arc. Part I offers a philosophical prehistory to the postcolonial project; Part II surveys several pivotal contexts in which the challenges of postcolonial land reform have played out; and Part III explores the market-oriented trends that recently emerged in reaction to twentieth-century land reform, but which have largely resulted in a re-consolidation of the soil. Each section tells a different part of one of the most important plotlines of late modern history, a plotline which continues to unfold today. The trends explored in this book raise two large questions that will dominate the next phase of land reform scholarship: First, will the corporate model of land ownership, which currently seems like an irresistible force, offer adequate protection for the nutritional needs of the world’s growing population, for the economic security of the agricultural workforce, and for the environment itself? Secondly, on the distinct possibility that the answer to the first question is no, how might governments seek to democratize land ownership and management in ways that will promote economic and political stability, sustainable production levels, and the support of the local populations? Important clues to addressing these questions await the reader in the chapters that follow.