Cal Clark – författare

Known as the Taiwan Miracle, the Republic of China on Taiwan (R.O.C.) has, over the past thirty-five years, experienced one of the world's highest rates of economic growth. Arguing that major theoretical frameworks for analyzing international political economy are often too simplistic in that they omit key factors or overly generalize from relationships found only in limited situations, Clark uses a detailed case history of the R.O.C. to suggest not only that development and dependency in contemporary society are extremely complex and indeterminate processes, but that development in Taiwan deviates significantly from the postulates of the two leading paradigms of international political economy. To go even further, Clark states that Taiwan's economic growth and transformation resulted from its deviation from the normal dependency syndrome. Indeed, a development strategy based on economic flexibility and periodic regime change that has made this flexibility possible are hallmarks in Taiwan's success story. The United States and other advanced industrial economies whose past successes have created economic and political barriers to future adaptation can be better understood in terms of the characteristics of R.O.C.'s development strategy.Part I of the three-part work focuses on environment, first discussing various paradigms and theories about development and then presenting an historical overview of Taiwan. The second part investigates Taiwan's international role, political development, and rapid economic growth. The volume closes with a chapter devoted to the implications of the Taiwan experience and political economy paradigms. Eight figures and thirty-five tables illustrate facets of Taiwan's development, including government structure, indicators of agricultural development, industrialization, educational progress, and export performance, among others. Because of the detailed presentations of political economy theories and their variants, especially in relation to economic and political development in Taiwan, this volume would be an excellent choice for courses in political economy, developing societies, Asian politics, and international relations theory, as well as libraries serving students in these areas.

Using the developmental history of Taiwan as a starting point, Flexibility, Foresight and Fortuna critically examines several prevalent formulations of domestic development and international economy.The authors examine Taiwan's policy performance from, in turn, the developmental, the dependency, the statist, and the trade-off perspectives on political economy. They reject these approaches in favour of the key ideas of flexibility, foresight and fortuna as an explanation of Taiwan's relatively unusual success in achieving domestic development and upward mobility in the international system.

Using the developmental history of Taiwan as a starting point, Flexibility, Foresight and Fortuna critically examines several prevalent formulations of domestic development and international economy.The authors examine Taiwan's policy performance from, in turn, the developmental, the dependency, the statist, and the trade-off perspectives on political economy. They reject these approaches in favour of the key ideas of flexibility, foresight and fortuna as an explanation of Taiwan's relatively unusual success in achieving domestic development and upward mobility in the international system.

The attitudes of individual citizens play a central role in a democracy. In the United States today, the two major parties are each associated with a broad set of policy positions representing the conservative and liberal political ideologies. The two major parties are becoming increasingly polarized on these ideologies between conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats. This book provides an in-depth examination of public opinion in a single American state, Alabama, to see whether the public opinion of general citizens follows this stereotype of ideological and partisan polarization. Alabama public opinion is analyzed on a fairly wide range of issues, including the quality of public officials, constitutional reform, the role of government in terms of taxes and overall spending, education, health care, religion in public life, crime, and immigration. Alabama is generally perceived as staunchly conservative politically and as a reliably 'red' Republican state in national elections. Yet, public opinion in Alabama is considerably more nuanced and complex than this stereotype in two distinct aspects. First, Alabamians are certainly conservative on many issues, but they are also liberal on a significant number of others. Second, the issue positions of the state's citizens are shaped by three different dynamics in terms of what factors influence specific attitudes. Furthermore a brief analysis of public opinion in the entire United States finds similar patterns. Thus, the current polarization in party politics does not necessarily reflect public opinion in its entirety, suggesting a need to transcend the competing conservative and liberal orthodoxies.

The commencement of America’s Industrial Revolution in the 1870s set off a “special century” of economic and social progress and transformation. After World War II, the United States created the first middle-class society. Beginning in the 1970s, however, a new transformation began that has produced decidedly mixed results. Globalization pushed many important industries offshore; the emerging information age changed the nature of the U.S. workforce; and shifting business and government policies put increasing pressures on employees. The major losers here were the working class of those who did not possess a college education and people who live in rural areas. Unfortunately, before 2016 neither major party had addressed the need for finding “good jobs” for either set of Americans. Donald Trump ran for President of the United States in 2016 as a Republican on a platform that included a strong appeal to the white working class, promising to use the power of government to overturn the forces of globalization to bring good jobs back to the U.S. and restore prosperity to the victims of globalization and neoliberalism. Indeed, the term “Trumponomics” was soon coined to describe his distinctive, if not unique, economic strategy. Our analysis is rather skeptical about the potential for helping the American working class preserve a middle-class lifestyle. Most fundamentally, Trump’s strategy of winning elections and maintaining power emphasizes cultural, not economic, issues. Furthermore, three central components of the President’s economic strategy are problematic as well. First, Trumponomics ignores several key causes of working-class distress; second, some of the President’s economic policies contradict each other and/or may well have counterproductive effects; and third, some are quite controversial and face strong opposition from Democrats or even from important Republican constituencies. Still, Donald Trump should be commended for highlighting economic problems that a considerable number of Americans face; and the opponents of Trumponomics need to rise to the challenge of meeting this creeping economic crisis.

For the century of approximately 1870 through 1970, America’s ongoing industrialization brought growing prosperity to much of its citizenry and, after World War II, created a broad middle-class society. After the mid-1970s, however, de-industrialization or the movement of manufacturing production to other countries resulted in growing economic and social stress on many of the working class who did not possess a college education. Donald Trump was the first major U.S. politician to recognize this problem and promise to create “good jobs” for working-class Americans. Yet, his most dramatic policy initiatives in the areas of trade, immigration, and deregulation did not produce dramatic change during his first term. A more positive trend is bubbling up from state and local governments, with the encouragement (but not funding) from the Trump administration. This is the growing importance of workforce development programs, which seek to develop the skills necessary for America’s 21st century economy through education reform, industrial apprenticeships, and tax incentives. Does the future of the national economy rest in safe arms with the new re-industrialization strategy and education reform? States and local governments must ascertain what mix of higher education reform, k-12 reform, career readiness, and high-tech training is the best equation for the growing workforce deficit and waning middle-class. In addition, education reform must consider high-tech automation, robotics, and artificial intelligence as a curriculum component in education reform. This policy area must be constructed in ways that not only broadens the middle-class but helps the victims of deindustrialization and reindustrialization. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the challenges facing the working class in the United States and an outline of the book. Chapter 2 describes the stage of industrialization (1870-1970) that created a middle-class society. Chapter 3 discusses the periods of deindustrialization (1970-2000) and reindustrialization in advanced manufacturing (early 21st century). Chapter 3 then analyzes the causes (globalization, organizational change, public policy, business strategy, and automation) and consequences (the emergence and shrinkage of a broad middle-class society) of the changing dynamics of industrialization. Chapter 4 presents a case study from the state of Alabama, demonstrating how manufacturing reduces inequality. Chapter 5 discusses how work-based learning programs promote racial diversity. Chapter 6 investigates modern apprenticeship and work-based learning programs. Finally, Chapter 7 considers the implications of this study and argues that workforce development policies hold the key to American prosperity in the 21st century.

This is a thorough and comprehensive study - both in terms of country coverage and in-depth analysis - covering the economic development of all the major economies in the Asian continent, namely China, India, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia and Singapore.

Before embarking on analyses of different aspects of economic growth and development of these countries, the authors present a thought-provoking analysis of how institutional factors such as geography, history of religion, culture and political governance have been deeply interwoven with development dynamics to shape the growth and development trajectory that each country has subsequently followed. Each country’s development path consequently appeared almost be pre-determined. Japan’s role as the lead-country in technology transfer under the flying-geese pattern of development is discussed, however the emphasis has shifted of late to China, India, Korea, Malaysia and Singapore. The authors also propose that instead of discussing the failure of India to catch up with China in growth and development outcomes, economists should be commenting on whether China, bestowed with India’s highly decentralized democratic governance structure and institutional rigidities, would have been able to achieve the same results as that of India. Only then will a true understanding and appreciation of India’s achievements in economic growth and development emerge.

Economic Development in China, India and East Asia will be warmly welcomed and appreciated by academics and researchers of international and development economics as well as Asian development and economics. Policy makers and those involved in NGOs in the development and aid arenas will also find this of great interest.

Neoliberalism, which advocates free markets without government interference, has become increasingly utilized and controversial over the last three and a half decades. This book presents case studies of Chile and Taiwan, two countries that seemingly prospered from adopting neoliberal strategies, and finds that their developmental histories challenge neoliberalism in fundamental ways.From one perspective, the political economies of Chile and Taiwan might appear to be poster children for neoliberalism. Both took aggressive policy actions (Taiwan in the 1960s and Chile in the 1970s) to create market-driven economies that were well integrated into the capitalist global economy. Subsequently, these two countries were cited as 'economic miracles' that opened their markets, resulting in rapid economic growth and development. A closer examination of the two nations, however, turns up very significant differences between them. In particular, Taiwan, with its much more statist approach to development, outperformed Chile by a considerable margin; and some of the experiences of Chile departed markedly from neoliberal predictions. The authors argue that Taiwan s strategy was the more successful of the two, primarily because it discarded the ideology of neoliberalism and unfettered laissez-faire.Scholars, educators, and students studying globalization, political economy, and/or economic development will find this book an irreplaceable addition to the discussion of neoliberalism.

This is a thorough and comprehensive study - both in terms of country coverage and in-depth analysis - covering the economic development of all the major economies in the Asian continent, namely China, India, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia and Singapore.Before embarking on analyses of different aspects of economic growth and development of these countries, the authors present a thought-provoking analysis of how institutional factors such as geography, history of religion, culture and political governance have been deeply interwoven with development dynamics to shape the growth and development trajectory that each country has subsequently followed. Each country’s development path consequently appeared almost be pre-determined. Japan’s role as the lead-country in technology transfer under the flying-geese pattern of development is discussed, however the emphasis has shifted of late to China, India, Korea, Malaysia and Singapore. The authors also propose that instead of discussing the failure of India to catch up with China in growth and development outcomes, economists should be commenting on whether China, bestowed with India’s highly decentralized democratic governance structure and institutional rigidities, would have been able to achieve the same results as that of India. Only then will a true understanding and appreciation of India’s achievements in economic growth and development emerge.Economic Development in China, India and East Asia will be warmly welcomed and appreciated by academics and researchers of international and development economics as well as Asian development and economics. Policy makers and those involved in NGOs in the development and aid arenas will also find this of great interest.

Since women account for almost 50 percent of the world's population, the sustainability of development of the global economy can be greatly impaired if the state authorities in individual countries pay less attention to the improvement in the socio-economic status of women relative to men. Improvement in socio-economic status which facilitates empowerment of individuals is greatly dependent on conducive informal institutions and state institutions. This book is the first of its kind to critically examine the role of these institutions in women's empowerment in five continents in the world. The analysis of the role of institutions in individual countries is underpinned by a robust theoretical background presented in the first three chapters. The chapters on individual countries also include a section dealing with recommendations for changes in state policies affecting women's empowerment.