Davison M. Douglas – författare

This book brings together essays from a distinguished group of scholars, presenting an array of views about the meaning of equality and providing perspectives on the on-going debates about it. By bringing together essays from prominent writers in America in law, history, and social science, the collection presents a range of opinions and insights that speak to America's ability to define and deal with the politics of equality.

This book brings together essays from a distinguished group of scholars, presenting an array of views about the meaning of equality and providing perspectives on the on-going debates about it. By bringing together essays from prominent writers in America in law, history, and social science, the collection presents a range of opinions and insights that speak to America's ability to define and deal with the politics of equality.

Using Charlotte, North Carolina, as a case study of the dynamics of racial change in the 'moderate' South, Davison Douglas analyzes the desegregation of the city's public schools from the Supreme Court's 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision through the early 1970s, when the city embarked upon the most ambitious school busing plan in the nation. In charting the path of racial change, Douglas considers the relative efficacy of the black community's use of public demonstrations and litigation to force desegregation. He also evaluates the role of the city's white business community, which was concerned with preserving Charlotte's image as a racially moderate city, in facilitating racial gains. Charlotte's white leadership, anxious to avoid economically damaging racial conflict, engaged in early but decidedly token integration in the late 1950s and early 1960s in response to the black community's public protest and litigation efforts. The insistence in the late 1960s on widespread busing, however, posed integration demands of an entirely different magnitude. As Douglas shows, the city's white leaders initially resisted the call for busing but eventually relented because they recognized the importance of a stable school system to the city's continued prosperity. |Using Charlotte, North Carolina, as a case study of the dynamics of racial change in the 'moderate' South, Davison Douglas analyzes the desegregation of the city's public schools from the Supreme Court's 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision through the early 1970s, when the city embarked upon the most ambitious school busing plan in the nation.

The United States Supreme Court’s 2002–03 term confounded Court watchers. The same Rehnquist Court that many had seen as solidly conservative and unduly activist-the Court that helped decide the 2000 presidential election and struck down thirty-one federal statutes since 1995-issued a set of surprising, watershed rulings. In a term filled with important and unpredictable decisions, it upheld affirmative action, invalidated a same-sex sodomy statute, and reversed a death sentence due to ineffective assistance of counsel. With essays focused on individual Justices, Court practices, and some of last year’s most important rulings, this volume explores the meaning and significance of the Court’s 2002–03 term. Seasoned Supreme Court advocates and journalists from The New Republic, The Los Angeles Times, Newsweek, National Journal, Slate, and Legal Times grapple with questions about the Rehnquist Court’s identity and the Supreme Court’s role in the political life of the country.Some essays consider the role of “swing” Justices Sandra Day O’Connor and Anthony Kennedy within a Court that divides 5–4 more than any other group of Justices in the nation’s history. Others examine the political reaction to and legal context of the Court’s Lawrence v. Texas decision declaring a Texas law criminalizing homosexual sodomy unconstitutional. Contributors analyze the Court’s rulings on affirmative action and reassess its commitment to states’ rights. Considering the Court’s practices, one advocate explores the use and utility of amicus curiae, or “friend of the court” briefs, while another reflects on indications of an increased openness by the Court to public scrutiny. Two advocates who argued cases before the Court-one related to hate speech and the other to a “three strikes and you’re out” criminal statute-offer vivid accounts of their experiences. Intended for general readers, A Year at the Supreme Court is for all those who want to understand the Rehnquist Court and its momentous 2002–03 term.Contributors Erwin ChemerinskyNeal DevinsDavison M. DouglasDavid J. GarrowDahlia LithwickTony MauroCarter PhillipsRamesh PonnuruJeffrey RosenDavid G. SavageRodney A. SmollaStuart Taylor Jr.

The United States Supreme Court’s 2002–03 term confounded Court watchers. The same Rehnquist Court that many had seen as solidly conservative and unduly activist—the Court that helped decide the 2000 presidential election and struck down thirty-one federal statutes since 1995—issued a set of surprising, watershed rulings. In a term filled with important and unpredictable decisions, it upheld affirmative action, invalidated a same-sex sodomy statute, and reversed a death sentence due to ineffective assistance of counsel. With essays focused on individual Justices, Court practices, and some of last year’s most important rulings, this volume explores the meaning and significance of the Court’s 2002–03 term. Seasoned Supreme Court advocates and journalists from The New Republic, The Los Angeles Times, Newsweek, National Journal, Slate, and Legal Times grapple with questions about the Rehnquist Court’s identity and the Supreme Court’s role in the political life of the country.

Some essays consider the role of “swing” Justices Sandra Day O’Connor and Anthony Kennedy within a Court that divides 5–4 more than any other group of Justices in the nation’s history. Others examine the political reaction to and legal context of the Court’s Lawrence v. Texas decision declaring a Texas law criminalizing homosexual sodomy unconstitutional. Contributors analyze the Court’s rulings on affirmative action and reassess its commitment to states’ rights. Considering the Court’s practices, one advocate explores the use and utility of amicus curiae, or “friend of the court” briefs, while another reflects on indications of an increased openness by the Court to public scrutiny. Two advocates who argued cases before the Court—one related to hate speech and the other to a “three strikes and you’re out” criminal statute—offer vivid accounts of their experiences. Intended for general readers, A Year at the Supreme Court is for all those who want to understand the Rehnquist Court and its momentous 2002–03 term.

ContributorsErwin ChemerinskyNeal DevinsDavison M. DouglasDavid J. GarrowDahlia LithwickTony MauroCarter PhillipsRamesh PonnuruJeffrey RosenDavid G. SavageRodney A. SmollaStuart Taylor Jr.

Using Charlotte, North Carolina, as a case study of the dynamics of racial change in the ''moderate'' South, Davison Douglas analyzes the desegregation of the city’s public schools from the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision through the early 1970s, when the city embarked upon the most ambitious school busing plan in the nation. In charting the path of racial change, Douglas considers the relative efficacy of the black community’s use of public demonstrations and litigation to force desegregation. He also evaluates the role of the city’s white business community, which was concerned with preserving Charlotte’s image as a racially moderate city, in facilitating racial gains.Charlotte’s white leadership, anxious to avoid economically damaging racial conflict, engaged in early but decidedly token integration in the late 1950s and early 1960s in response to the black community’s public protest and litigation efforts. The insistence in the late 1960s on widespread busing, however, posed integration demands of an entirely different magnitude. As Douglas shows, the city’s white leaders initially resisted the call for busing but eventually relented because they recognized the importance of a stable school system to the city’s continued prosperity.

Using Charlotte, North Carolina, as a case study of the dynamics of racial change in the ''moderate'' South, Davison Douglas analyzes the desegregation of the city''s public schools from the Supreme Court''s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision through the early 1970s, when the city embarked upon the most ambitious school busing plan in the nation. In charting the path of racial change, Douglas considers the relative efficacy of the black community''s use of public demonstrations and litigation to force desegregation. He also evaluates the role of the city''s white business community, which was concerned with preserving Charlotte''s image as a racially moderate city, in facilitating racial gains. Charlotte''s white leadership, anxious to avoid economically damaging racial conflict, engaged in early but decidedly token integration in the late 1950s and early 1960s in response to the black community''s public protest and litigation efforts. The insistence in the late 1960s on widespread busing, however, posed integration demands of an entirely different magnitude. As Douglas shows, the city''s white leaders initially resisted the call for busing but eventually relented because they recognized the importance of a stable school system to the city''s continued prosperity.

Using Charlotte, North Carolina, as a case study of the dynamics of racial change in the ''moderate'' South, Davison Douglas analyzes the desegregation of the city’s public schools from the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision through the early 1970s, when the city embarked upon the most ambitious school busing plan in the nation. In charting the path of racial change, Douglas considers the relative efficacy of the black community’s use of public demonstrations and litigation to force desegregation. He also evaluates the role of the city’s white business community, which was concerned with preserving Charlotte’s image as a racially moderate city, in facilitating racial gains.Charlotte’s white leadership, anxious to avoid economically damaging racial conflict, engaged in early but decidedly token integration in the late 1950s and early 1960s in response to the black community’s public protest and litigation efforts. The insistence in the late 1960s on widespread busing, however, posed integration demands of an entirely different magnitude. As Douglas shows, the city’s white leaders initially resisted the call for busing but eventually relented because they recognized the importance of a stable school system to the city’s continued prosperity.