John T. Noonan Jr. – författare

Society and individual members thereof who approach the court in conscience desire justice. They place their hope not only in the knowledge but also in the morality of the judges. At a time when the values of the judiciary are under intense scrutiny, Noonan and Winston present an extensive, highly informed collection of readings with commentary and explication. They address the concept and role of judge, the act of judging, and the requirements and potential abuses inherent in the system and process of sitting in judgment. This is a reflective, yet eminently realistic consideration of the fundamental issues and questions involved in establishing a reasonable framework for assessing judicial morality.The work first examines qualities of the ideal, corrupt, and over-zealous or political judge. The editors next address the judge's role and response in view of the tensions rising not only from the facts of the case and legal precedents but also from such human qualities as compassion. They also look at the power of social expectations and personal beliefs as possible influences on judicial decisions. Finally, the editors consider the need judges have for independence and study that necessary factor in relationships to accountability and also potential for abuse. This is a learned, inclusive, yet accessible and captivating, work. It will clarify and reinvigorate discussion of critically important issues fundamental to an ethical judiciary.

Society and individual members thereof who approach the court in conscience desire justice. They place their hope not only in the knowledge but also in the morality of the judges. At a time when the values of the judiciary are under intense scrutiny, Noonan and Winston present an extensive, highly informed collection of readings with commentary and explication. They address the concept and role of judge, the act of judging, and the requirements and potential abuses inherent in the system and process of sitting in judgment. This is a reflective, yet eminently realistic consideration of the fundamental issues and questions involved in establishing a reasonable framework for assessing judicial morality.The work first examines qualities of the ideal, corrupt, and over-zealous or political judge. The editors next address the judge's role and response in view of the tensions rising not only from the facts of the case and legal precedents but also from such human qualities as compassion. They also look at the power of social expectations and personal beliefs as possible influences on judicial decisions. Finally, the editors consider the need judges have for independence and study that necessary factor in relationships to accountability and also potential for abuse. This is a learned, inclusive, yet accessible and captivating, work. It will clarify and reinvigorate discussion of critically important issues fundamental to an ethical judiciary.

A "New York Times" Notable Book, this remarkable work offers a fresh approach to a freedom that is often taken for granted in the United States, yet is one of the strongest and proudest elements of American culture: religious freedom. In this compellingly written, distinctively personal book, Judge John T. Noonan asserts that freedom of religion, as James Madison conceived it, is an American invention previously unknown to any nation on earth. "The Lustre of Our Country" demonstrates how the idea of religious liberty is central to the American experience and to American influence around the world. Noonan's original book is a history of the idea of religious liberty and its relationship with the law. He begins with an intellectual autobiography, describing his own religious and legal training. After setting the stage with autobiography, Noonan turns to history, with each chapter written in a new voice. One chapter takes the form of a catechism (questions and answers), presenting the history of the idea of religious freedom in Christianity and the American colonies.Another chapter on James Madison argues that Madison's support of religious freedom was not purely secular but rather the outcome of his own religious beliefs. A fictional sister of Alexis de Toqueville writes, contrary to her brother's work, that the U.S. government is very closely tied to religion. Other chapters offer straightforward considerations of constitutional law. Throughout the book, Noonan shows how the free exercise of religion led to profound changes in American law - he discusses abolition, temperance, and civil rights - and how the legal notion of religious liberty influenced revolutionary France, Japan, and Russia, as well as the Catholic Church during Vatican II. "The Lustre of Our Country" is a celebration of religious freedom - a personal and profound statement on what the author considers America's greatest moral contribution to the world.

Legal thought in this country has always focused on the rules rather than on the persons affected by the rules. Persons and Masks of the Law restores the balance by taking a person-centered view of the law. The author shows how even great jurists have chosen the "masks of the law" over persons, his surprising examples being Thomas Jefferson, George Wythe, Benjamin Cardozo, and Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. - four of the greatest lawyers of the United States. Noonan discusses how the concept of property, applied to a person, is a perfect mask since no trace of human identity remains. An auction of slaves in Virginia, the takeover of a banana plantation in Costa Rica, and an accident on the Long Island railroad are the famous cases involving these four legal giants. The stories of the litigations at three different periods of our history provide and new and powerful analyses of American law. This book, breaking through the formalism in which jurisprudence is enshrined, offers a new vision of law and represents a call for reform in the education and even behavior of lawyers.

"Narrowing the Nation's Power" is the tale of how a cohesive majority of the Supreme Court has, in the last six years, cut back the power of Congress and enhanced the autonomy of the fifty states. The immunity from suit of the sovereign, Blackstone taught, is necessary to preserve the people's idea that the sovereign is 'a superior being.' Promoting the common law doctrine of sovereign immunity to constitutional status, the current Supreme Court has used it to shield the states from damages for age discrimination, disability discrimination, and the violation of patents, trademarks, copyrights, and fair labor standards. Not just the states themselves, but every state-sponsored entity - a state insurance scheme, a state university's research lab, the Idaho Potato Commission - has been insulated from paying damages in tort or contract. Sovereign immunity, as Noonan puts it, has metastasized. 'It only hurts when you think about it,' Noonan's Yalewoman remarks. Crippled by the states' immunity, Congress has been further brought to heel by the Supreme Court's recent invention of two rules.The first rule: Congress must establish a documentary record that a national evil exists before Congress can legislate to protect life, liberty, or property under the Fourteenth Amendment. The second rule: The response of Congress to the evil must then be both 'congruent' and 'proportionate.' The Supreme Court determines whether these standards are met, thereby making itself the master monitor of national legislation. Even legislation under the Commerce Clause has been found wanting, illustrated here by the story of Christy Brzonkala's attempt to redress multiple rapes at a state university by invoking the Violence Against Women Act. The nation's power has been remarkably narrowed. Noonan is a passionate believer in the place of persons in the law. Rules, he claims, are a necessary framework, but they must not obscure law's task of giving justice to persons. His critique of Supreme Court doctrine is driven by this conviction.

Narrowing the Nation''s Power is the tale of how a cohesive majority of the Supreme Court has, in the last six years, cut back the power of Congress and enhanced the autonomy of the fifty states. The immunity from suit of the sovereign, Blackstone taught, is necessary to preserve the people''s idea that the sovereign is "a superior being." Promoting the common law doctrine of sovereign immunity to constitutional status, the current Supreme Court has used it to shield the states from damages for age discrimination, disability discrimination, and the violation of patents, trademarks, copyrights, and fair labor standards. Not just the states themselves, but every state-sponsored entity--a state insurance scheme, a state university''s research lab, the Idaho Potato Commission—has been insulated from paying damages in tort or contract. Sovereign immunity, as Noonan puts it, has metastasized. "It only hurts when you think about it," Noonan''s Yalewoman remarks.Crippled by the states'' immunity, Congress has been further brought to heel by the Supreme Court''s recent invention of two rules. The first rule: Congress must establish a documentary record that a national evil exists before Congress can legislate to protect life, liberty, or property under the Fourteenth Amendment. The second rule: The response of Congress to the evil must then be both "congruent" and "proportionate." The Supreme Court determines whether these standards are met, thereby making itself the master monitor of national legislation. Even legislation under the Commerce Clause has been found wanting, illustrated here by the story of Christy Brzonkala''s attempt to redress multiple rapes at a state university by invoking the Violence Against Women Act. The nation''s power has been remarkably narrowed.Noonan is a passionate believer in the place of persons in the law. Rules, he claims, are a necessary framework, but they must not obscure law''s task of giving justice to persons. His critique of Supreme Court doctrine is driven by this conviction.