Michael A. Neblo – författare

Why do we care about listening? This collection examines listening in various political contexts, illuminating its profound role in democratic communication. Listening is not merely a passive act; it expresses, relies on, and alters power. If we understand listening and ignoring to be acts of political power, then it bears asking what a specifically democratic practice of listening entails.This volume brings together philosophical, observational, and experimental research to investigate when and how listening takes place, the obstacles to effective listening, and its implications for democratic representation, deliberation, and policymaking. The chapters employ diverse methodological approaches—from meta-analyses to field experiments—to provide a systematic account of the antecedents and consequences of political listening in contemporary democracy. The studies help explain how and why listening matters, particularly during times of democratic stress and reveal how listening shapes voter confidence, reduces in-group bias, and influences legislative engagement with constituents.Essential reading for scholars and practitioners in political science, communication studies, democratic theory, and public policy, this volume closes the gap between normative political theory and empirical research, providing a comprehensive framework for assessing listening as a democratic practice. The essays in this volume were originally published as a special issue of Political Communication.

Deliberative democrats seek to link political choices more closely to the deliberations of common citizens, rather than consigning them to speak only in the desiccated language of checks on a ballot. Sober thinkers from Plato to today, however, have argued that if we want to make good decisions we cannot entrust them to the deliberations of common citizens. Critics argue that deliberative democracy is wildly unworkable in practice. Deliberative Democracy between Theory and Practice cuts across this debate by clarifying the structure of a deliberative democratic system, and goes on to re-evaluate the main empirical challenges to deliberative democracy in light of this new frame. It simultaneously reclaims the wider theory of deliberative democracy and meets the empirical critics squarely on terms that advance, rather than evade, the debate. Doing so has important implications for institutional design, the normative theory of democracy, and priorities for future research and practice.

Many citizens in the US and abroad fear that democratic institutions have become weak, and continue to weaken. Politics with the People develops the principles and practice of 'directly representative democracy' - a new way of connecting citizens and elected officials to improve representative government. Sitting members of Congress agreed to meet with groups of their constituents via online, deliberative town hall meetings to discuss some of the most important and controversial issues of the day. The results from these experiments reveal a model of how our democracy could work, where politicians consult with and inform citizens in substantive discussions, and where otherwise marginalized citizens participate and are empowered. Moving beyond our broken system of interest group politics and partisan bloodsport, directly representative reforms will help restore citizens' faith in the institutions of democratic self-government, precisely at a time when those institutions themselves feel dysfunctional and endangered.

Many citizens in the US and abroad fear that democratic institutions have become weak, and continue to weaken. Politics with the People develops the principles and practice of 'directly representative democracy' - a new way of connecting citizens and elected officials to improve representative government. Sitting members of Congress agreed to meet with groups of their constituents via online, deliberative town hall meetings to discuss some of the most important and controversial issues of the day. The results from these experiments reveal a model of how our democracy could work, where politicians consult with and inform citizens in substantive discussions, and where otherwise marginalized citizens participate and are empowered. Moving beyond our broken system of interest group politics and partisan bloodsport, directly representative reforms will help restore citizens' faith in the institutions of democratic self-government, precisely at a time when those institutions themselves feel dysfunctional and endangered.