Rüdiger Bergien – författare

This volume examines intelligence services since 1945 in their role as knowledge producers.

Intelligence agencies are producers and providers of arcane information. However, little is known about the social, cultural and material dimensions of their knowledge production, processing and distribution. This volume starts from the assumption that during the Cold War, these core activities of information services underwent decisive changes, of which scientization and computerisation are essential. With a focus on the emerging alliances between intelligence agencies, science and (computer) technology, the chapters empirically explore these transformations and are characterised by innovative combinations of intelligence history with theoretical considerations from the history of science and technology and the history of knowledge.

At the same time, the book challenges the bipolarity of Cold War history in general and of intelligence history in particular in favour of comparative and transnational perspectives. The focus is not only the Soviet Union and the United States, but also Poland, Turkey, the two German states and Brazil. This approach reveals surprising commonalities across systems: time and again, the expansion and use of intelligence knowledge came up against the limits that resulted from intelligence culture itself. The book enriches our global understanding of knowledge of the state and contributes to a historical framework for the past decade of debates about the societal consequences of intelligence data processing.

This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, science and technology studies, security studies and International Relations.

This volume examines intelligence services since 1945 in their role as knowledge producers.

Intelligence agencies are producers and providers of arcane information. However, little is known about the social, cultural and material dimensions of their knowledge production, processing and distribution. This volume starts from the assumption that during the Cold War, these core activities of information services underwent decisive changes, of which scientization and computerisation are essential. With a focus on the emerging alliances between intelligence agencies, science and (computer) technology, the chapters empirically explore these transformations and are characterised by innovative combinations of intelligence history with theoretical considerations from the history of science and technology and the history of knowledge.

At the same time, the book challenges the bipolarity of Cold War history in general and of intelligence history in particular in favour of comparative and transnational perspectives. The focus is not only the Soviet Union and the United States, but also Poland, Turkey, the two German states and Brazil. This approach reveals surprising commonalities across systems: time and again, the expansion and use of intelligence knowledge came up against the limits that resulted from intelligence culture itself. The book enriches our global understanding of knowledge of the state and contributes to a historical framework for the past decade of debates about the societal consequences of intelligence data processing.

This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, science and technology studies, security studies and International Relations.

The ruling communist parties of the postwar Soviet Bloc possessed nearly unprecedented power to shape every level of society; perhaps in part because of this, they have been routinely depicted as monolithic, austere, and even opaque institutions. Communist Parties Revisited takes a markedly different approach, investigating everyday life within basic organizations to illuminate the inner workings of Eastern Bloc parties. Ranging across national and transnational contexts, the contributions assembled here reconstruct the rituals of party meetings, functionaries’ informal practices, intra-party power struggles, and the social production of ideology to give a detailed account of state socialist policymaking on a micro-historical scale.

Die geheime Aufrüstung der Weimarer Republik basierte auf einem lagerübergreifenden Wehrkonsens. Von den Republikanern in den Krisen der ersten Jahre zunächst als Form des Republikschutzes mitgetragen, wurde die Unterstützung der "schwarzen Rüstungen" zu einem Element der Weimarer Staatsraison, die auch für die Republikaner verbindlich blieb – selbst dann, als die geheime personelle Rüstung, etwa in Gestalt der Grenzschutzmilizen im preußischen Osten, zur Hochburg eines rechtsradikalen und staatsfeindlichen Paramilitarismus wurde. Der Autor rekonstruiert erstmals die umfassende Unterstützung der Geheimrüstung durch Politik und Verwaltung und belegt die Existenz eines "deep state", eines durch die zivil-militärische Rüstungskooperation konstituierten "Tiefenstaats", der zwar in der republikanischen Ordnung verankert war, aber außerhalb ihrer Normen und Gesetze agierte. Schließlich verortet sie diesen Wehrkonsens in der ideengeschichtlichen Kontinuität bellizistischer, von einem Primat der "Wehrhaftigkeit" ausgehender Denkstile und Deutungsmuster.