Anne Berg – författare

Den här boken ger en lättillgänglig presentation av det svenska utbildnings­systemets historia. Utbildningsreformer för förskolan, grundskolan, folk­bildning och universitet beskrivs och introduktioner till skolämnenas historia presenteras, däribland svenska, historia och samhällskunskap. Övergripande och tvärgående perspektiv på utbildningshistorien anläggs för frågor som rör utbildningens ekonomiska historia, lärarkårens utveckling, sociala förhållandens betydelse för utbildning, utbildningspolitik samt betyg och bedömning. I boken medverkar ett tjugotal författare, varav de flesta är ledande specialister inom de ämnen de skriver om. Denna fjärde upplaga är uppdaterad med bland annat beskrivningar av sexualundervisningens historia. Utbildningshistoria – en introduktion vänder sig till blivande lärare samt studenter och forskare i till exempel historia och pedagogik som behöver kunna placera skolans situation i ett vidare sammanhang och i ett längre tidsperspektiv.

Paper, bottles, metal scrap, kitchen garbage, rubber, hair, fat, rags, and bones--the Nazi empire demanded its population obsessively collect anything that could be reused or recycled. Entrepreneurs, policy makers, and ordinary citizens conjured up countless schemes to squeeze value from waste or invent new purposes for defunct or spent material, no matter the cost to people or the environment. As World War II dragged on, rescued loot--much of it waste--clogged transport routes and piled up in warehouses across Europe.Historicizing the much-championed ideal of zero waste, Anne Berg shows that the management of waste was central to the politics of war and to the genesis of genocide in the Nazi Germany. Destruction and recycling were part of an overarching strategy to redress raw material shortages, procure lebensraum, and cleanse the continent of Jews and others considered undesirable. Fostering cooperation between the administration, the party, the German Army, the SS, and industry, resource extending schemes obscured the crucial political role played by virtually all German citizens to whom salvaging, scrapping, and recycling were promoted as inherently virtuous and orderly behaviors. Throughout Nazi occupied-Europe, Jews, POWs, concentration camp inmates, and enemy civilians were forced to recycle the loot, discards, and debris of the Nazi race war. In the end, the materials that were fully exploited and the people who had been bled dry were cast aside, buried, burned, or left to rot. Nonetheless, waste reclamation did not have the power to win the war.Illuminating how the Nazis inverted the economy of value, rescuing discards and murdering people, Empire of Rags and Bones offers an original perspective on genocide, racial ideology, and World War II.

Paper, bottles, metal scrap, kitchen garbage, rubber, hair, fat, rags, and bones--the Nazi empire demanded its population obsessively collect anything that could be reused or recycled. Entrepreneurs, policy makers, and ordinary citizens conjured up countless schemes to squeeze value from waste or invent new purposes for defunct or spent material, no matter the cost to people or the environment. As World War II dragged on, rescued loot--much of it waste--clogged transport routes and piled up in warehouses across Europe.Historicizing the much-championed ideal of zero waste, Anne Berg shows that the management of waste was central to the politics of war and to the genesis of genocide in the Nazi Germany. Destruction and recycling were part of an overarching strategy to redress raw material shortages, procure lebensraum, and cleanse the continent of Jews and others considered undesirable. Fostering cooperation between the administration, the party, the German Army, the SS, and industry, resource extending schemes obscured the crucial political role played by virtually all German citizens to whom salvaging, scrapping, and recycling were promoted as inherently virtuous and orderly behaviors. Throughout Nazi occupied-Europe, Jews, POWs, concentration camp inmates, and enemy civilians were forced to recycle the loot, discards, and debris of the Nazi race war. In the end, the materials that were fully exploited and the people who had been bled dry were cast aside, buried, burned, or left to rot. Nonetheless, waste reclamation did not have the power to win the war.Illuminating how the Nazis inverted the economy of value, rescuing discards and murdering people, Empire of Rags and Bones offers an original perspective on genocide, racial ideology, and World War II.

Paper, bottles, metal scrap, kitchen garbage, rubber, hair, fat, rags, and bones--the Nazi empire demanded its population obsessively collect anything that could be reused or recycled. Entrepreneurs, policy makers, and ordinary citizens conjured up countless schemes to squeeze value from waste or invent new purposes for defunct or spent material, no matter the cost to people or the environment. As World War II dragged on, rescued loot--much of it waste--clogged transport routes and piled up in warehouses across Europe.Historicizing the much-championed ideal of zero waste, Anne Berg shows that the management of waste was central to the politics of war and to the genesis of genocide in the Nazi Germany. Destruction and recycling were part of an overarching strategy to redress raw material shortages, procure lebensraum, and cleanse the continent of Jews and others considered undesirable. Fostering cooperation between the administration, the party, the German Army, the SS, and industry, resource extending schemes obscured the crucial political role played by virtually all German citizens to whom salvaging, scrapping, and recycling were promoted as inherently virtuous and orderly behaviors. Throughout Nazi occupied-Europe, Jews, POWs, concentration camp inmates, and enemy civilians were forced to recycle the loot, discards, and debris of the Nazi race war. In the end, the materials that were fully exploited and the people who had been bled dry were cast aside, buried, burned, or left to rot. Nonetheless, waste reclamation did not have the power to win the war.Illuminating how the Nazis inverted the economy of value, rescuing discards and murdering people, Empire of Rags and Bones offers an original perspective on genocide, racial ideology, and World War II.

On Screen and Off shows that the making of Nazism was a local affair and the Nazi city a product of more than models and plans emanating from Berlin. In Hamburg, film was key in turning this self-styled "Gateway to the World" into a "Nazi city." The Nazi regime imagined film as a powerful tool to shape National Socialist subjects. In Hamburg, those very subjects chanced upon film culture as a seemingly apolitical opportunity to articulate their own ideas about how Nazism ought to work. Tracing discourses around film production and film consumption in the city, On Screen and Off illustrates how Nazi ideology was envisaged, imagined, experienced, and occasionally even fought over.Local authorities in Hamburg, from the governor Karl Kaufmann to youth wardens and members of the Hamburg Film Club, used debates over cinema to define the reach and practice of National Socialism in the city. Film thus engendered a political space in which local activists, welfare workers, cultural experts, and administrators asserted their views about the current state of affairs, articulated criticism and praise, performed their commitment to the regime, and policed the boundaries of the Volksgemeinschaft. Of all the championed "people's products," film alone extended the promise of economic prosperity and cultural preeminence into the war years and beyond the city's destruction. From the ascension of the Nazi regime through the smoldering rubble, going to the movies grounded normalcy in the midst of rupture.

On Screen and Off shows that the making of Nazism was a local affair and the Nazi city a product of more than models and plans emanating from Berlin. In Hamburg, film was key in turning this self-styled "Gateway to the World" into a "Nazi city." The Nazi regime imagined film as a powerful tool to shape National Socialist subjects. In Hamburg, those very subjects chanced upon film culture as a seemingly apolitical opportunity to articulate their own ideas about how Nazism ought to work. Tracing discourses around film production and film consumption in the city, On Screen and Off illustrates how Nazi ideology was envisaged, imagined, experienced, and occasionally even fought over.Local authorities in Hamburg, from the governor Karl Kaufmann to youth wardens and members of the Hamburg Film Club, used debates over cinema to define the reach and practice of National Socialism in the city. Film thus engendered a political space in which local activists, welfare workers, cultural experts, and administrators asserted their views about the current state of affairs, articulated criticism and praise, performed their commitment to the regime, and policed the boundaries of the Volksgemeinschaft. Of all the championed "people's products," film alone extended the promise of economic prosperity and cultural preeminence into the war years and beyond the city's destruction. From the ascension of the Nazi regime through the smoldering rubble, going to the movies grounded normalcy in the midst of rupture.

This book challenges the idea that a sharp boundary should be drawn between the state and civil society. Although this idea is extremely common in modern capitalist societies, here it is turned on its head through a study of the ways in which public funding from the 1870s to the 1990s has enabled and shaped collective action in Swedish popular education. Popular education has generally been seen as independent of government control, with strong connections to popular and labour movements; in this volume, Berg and Edquist narrate a new story of its rise by analysing how a government grant system was constructed to drive its development. A key element in this government policy was to create and protect popular education as an autonomous phenomenon, yet making it perform state functions by regulating its bureaucratic make-up and ideological content. The book will appeal to scholars and students of history, education, and sociology, particularly those with an interest in the workings of the capitalist state as well as the history of education.

This book challenges the idea that a sharp boundary should be drawn between the state and civil society. Although this idea is extremely common in modern capitalist societies, here it is turned on its head through a study of the ways in which public funding from the 1870s to the 1990s has enabled and shaped collective action in Swedish popular education. Popular education has generally been seen as independent of government control, with strong connections to popular and labour movements; in this volume, Berg and Edquist narrate a new story of its rise by analysing how a government grant system was constructed to drive its development. A key element in this government policy was to create and protect popular education as an autonomous phenomenon, yet making it perform state functions by regulating its bureaucratic make-up and ideological content. The book will appeal to scholars and students of history, education, and sociology, particularly those with an interest in the workings of the capitalist state as well as the history of education.

This book challenges the idea that a sharp boundary should be drawn between the state and civil society. Although this idea is extremely common in modern capitalist societies, here it is turned on its head through a study of the ways in which public funding from the 1870s to the 1990s has enabled and shaped collective action in Swedish popular education. Popular education has generally been seen as independent of government control, with strong connections to popular and labour movements; in this volume, Berg and Edquist narrate a new story of its rise by analysing how a government grant system was constructed to drive its development. A key element in this government policy was to create and protect popular education as an autonomous phenomenon, yet making it perform state functions by regulating its bureaucratic make-up and ideological content. The book will appeal to scholars and students of history, education, and sociology, particularly those with an interest in the workings of the capitalist state as well as the history of education.