James Howard-Johnston – författare

This book contains eleven essays, prefaced by a general introduction, on a set of related themes: the characteristic traits and diverse functions of holy men; the fashioning of saints out of a small minority of holy men and a number of other individuals of high social status but with more dubious spiritual credentials; the literary processes involved in the construction of hagiographical texts; the role of hagiography in the creation and diffusion of cults; and the worldly interests and other purposes which were served by hagiographical texts and the cults which they propagated. These themes are explored across a wide range of social and cultural milieux, extending from the late antique east Mediterranean through the early medieval Frankish world and Byzantium to Russia and Islam in the high middle ages. The work of Peter Brown, in particular his article, 'The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity', first published in 1971, forms a constant point of reference, acknowledged by the contributors as having irradiated the whole field with fresh, provocative, and illuminating ideas.

The last and longest war of classical antiquity was fought in the early seventh century. It was ideologically charged and fought along the full length of the Persian-Roman frontier, drawing in all the available resources and great powers of the steppe world. The conflict raged on an unprecedented scale, and its end brought the classical phase of history to a close. Despite all this, it has left a conspicuous gap in the history of warfare. This book aims to finally fill that gap.The war opened in summer 603 when Persian armies launched co-ordinated attacks across the Roman frontier. Twenty-five years later the fighting stopped after the final, forlorn counteroffensive thrusts of the Emperor Heraclius into the Persians' Mesopotamian heartland. James Howard-Johnston pieces together the scattered and fragmentary evidence of this period to form a coherent story of the dramatic events, as well as an introduction to key players-Turks, Arabs, and Avars, as well as Persians and Romans- and a tour of the vast lands over which the fighting took place. The decisions and actions of individuals-particularly Heraclius, a general of rare talent-and the various immaterial factors affecting morale take centre stage, yet due attention is also given to the underlying structures in both belligerent empires and to the Middle East under Persian occupation in the 620s. The result is a solidly founded, critical history of a conflict of immense significance in the final episode of classical history.

The history of Byzantium pivots around the eleventh century, during which it reached its apogee in terms of power, prestige, and territorial extension, only then to plunge into steep political decline following serious military defeats and extensive territorial losses. The political, economic, and intellectual history of the period is reasonably well understood, but not so what was happening in that crucial intermediary sphere, the social order, which both shaped and was shaped by contemporary ideas and brute economic developments. This volume aims to deepen understanding of Byzantine society by examining material evidence for settlements and production in different regions and by sifting through the far from plentiful literary and documentary sources in order to track what was happening in town and country. There is evidence of significant change: the pattern of landownership continued to shift in favour of those with power and wealth, but there was sustained and effective resistance from peasant villages. Provincial towns prospered in what was an era of sustained economic growth, and, through newly emboldened local elites, took a more active part in public affairs. In the capital the middling classes, comprising much of officialdom and leading traders, gained in importance, while the twin military and civilian elites were merging to form a single governing class. However, despite this social upheaval, careful analysis of these various factors by a range of leading Byzantine historians and archaeologists leads to the overarching conclusion that it was not so much internal structural changes which contributed to the vertiginous decline suffered by Byzantium in the late eleventh century, as the unprecedented combination of dangerous adversaries on different fronts, in the east, north, and west.

Byzantium is commonly taken to be a somewhat exotic entity on the margin of medieval Europe--bureaucratic, Greek- rather than Latin-speaking, Orthodox rather than Catholic, wealthy and effete, relying on cunning rather than martial exploits to foil its enemies. Since the great majority of primary sources emanate from the polity's capital, it is viewed from the inside out and from the top down. Byzantium in a Changing World takes a very different approach, viewing Byzantium and its east Roman predecessor from the outside, as they cope with all manner of external threats, above all the Sasanian empire and later the Arabs after they destroyed the ancient world order in the seventh century.What emerges is the history of a state which managed to preserve its ideology, its culture, its religion, and its fundamental structures as it was assailed from without. In addition to the two great eastern adversaries, a succession of predatory powers was fought off: Huns and Avars in late antiquity, followed by Bulgars in the dark age, joined by Hungarians, Pechenegs, and Rus in the following era of revival. In this accessible introduction to the history of Byzantium, with six chronologically organised chapters covering the period from Late Antiquity until the fall of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, James Howard-Johnston argues that Byzantium geared itself to war in the seventh century, that the peasant village emerged as the basis of the social order, and that it was a guerrilla style of warfare combined with well-targeted diplomatic activity which ensured the state's survival and subsequent revival.

Byzantium was a strange entity--a relic of classical antiquity which survived deep into the Middle Ages. Drawing on a lifetime's work in the field of Byzantine studies, James Howard-Johnston aims to explain Byzantium's longevity, first as a state geared to fighting a two-centuries long guerrilla war of defence, then as an increasingly confident regional power. It is only by analysing its economic, social, and institutional structures that this strange medieval afterlife of the rump of the Roman empire can be understood.This collection of linked essays outlines the fundamental features of Byzantium, with a focus on the seventh to eleventh centuries. The essays delve below the agitated surface of political, religious, and intellectual history to home in on (1) alterations in economic conditions; and (2) structural change in the social order and apparatus of government. The economic foundations of society and state are examined over the long term, with emphasis placed on mercantile enterprise throughout. Howard-Johnston identifies warfare as the prime driver of social and institutional change in a first phase (seventh to eighth centuries), when the peasant villager rose to a dominant position in the collective mindset and the administration was centralised and militarised as never before. A second phase of change is then highlighted, after the mid-ninth century when Byzantium's security was assured. Military and administrative arrangements were adapted as the empire expanded. The service aristocracy which had developed in the dark centuries began to assert itself to the detriment of the peasantry, but was, Howard-Johnston argues, countered reasonably effectively by new legislation. There was a renaissance in cultural life, most marked in the intellectual sphere in the eleventh century. Finally, the sharp decline in Byzantium's military fortunes from the mid-eleventh century is attributed to external factors rather than internal weakness.

Byzantium is commonly taken to be a somewhat exotic entity on the margin of medieval Europe--bureaucratic, Greek- rather than Latin-speaking, Orthodox rather than Catholic, wealthy and effete, relying on cunning rather than martial exploits to foil its enemies. Since the great majority of primary sources emanate from the polity's capital, it is viewed from the inside out and from the top down. Byzantium in a Changing World takes a very different approach, viewing Byzantium and its east Roman predecessor from the outside, as they cope with all manner of external threats, above all the Sasanian empire and later the Arabs after they destroyed the ancient world order in the seventh century.What emerges is the history of a state which managed to preserve its ideology, its culture, its religion, and its fundamental structures as it was assailed from without. In addition to the two great eastern adversaries, a succession of predatory powers was fought off: Huns and Avars in late antiquity, followed by Bulgars in the dark age, joined by Hungarians, Pechenegs, and Rus in the following era of revival. In this accessible introduction to the history of Byzantium, with six chronologically organised chapters covering the period from Late Antiquity until the fall of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, James Howard-Johnston argues that Byzantium geared itself to war in the seventh century, that the peasant village emerged as the basis of the social order, and that it was a guerrilla style of warfare combined with well-targeted diplomatic activity which ensured the state's survival and subsequent revival.

In this collection of essays, James Howard-Johnston evaluates historical sources from across the entire existence of the Byzantine empire. Byzantium was peculiarly well endowed for the writing of history, given a relatively high degree of literacy, a large governing class running a centralised state and its associated church, and its inheritance of the historical habit developed independently in classical Greece and Judaea. Historical coverage is complete save for one short period, the reign of Constans II (641–9). Unsurprisingly, in what was a thoroughly bureaucratic state, officials and ex-officials of state and church predominate among historians. The histories they wrote were of two principal sorts: compendia which might reach back to the beginning of time, succinct, concerned primarily with chronology, and written in relatively plain language; and contemporary histories presenting fuller narratives, more interested in causes and effects, and generally written in a higher style, with classical touches. They used the bureaucratic vernacular, were primarily concerned with high politics and foreign affairs, and calibrated time by financial years. Particular emphasis is put on their use of documentary sources, the surest and safest conveyors of detailed information from the past to the historian. A small number of individual historians are singled out for closer scrutiny, because of the importance or unusual character of their works. Procopius is portrayed as an experienced military architect/engineer and born storyteller rather than a highly educated lawyer. Theophanes deserves a special place, because of the scale of the work which he wrote with his mentor George Synkellos. George, it turns out, wrote the last contemporary section of their world history. Constantine Porphyrogenitus (905–59) was responsible for a historically enriched guide to diplomacy, but most of the valuable information which it contains about the early medieval history of the Balkans, Ukrainian steppes, and Transcaucasia is attributable to his father, Leo VI. The Logothete's world chronicle is singled out because of its vitriolic attack on the first three Macedonian emperors. Finally, Anna Komnene demands attention as the first known female historian. Her Alexias, probably the finest history produced in Byzantium, is shown to contain a great deal of material drafted by her husband, Nikephoros Bryennios. This contentious view is canvassed in the last three essays.

James Howard-Johnston provides a sweeping and highly readable account of probably the most dramatic single episode in world history - the emergence of a new religion (Islam), the destruction of two established great powers (Roman and Iranian), and the creation of a new world empire by the Arabs, all in the space of not much more than a generation (610-52 AD). Warfare looms large, especially where operations can be followed in some detail, as in Iraq 636-40, in Egypt 641-2 and in the long-drawn out battle for the Mediterranean (649-98). As the first history of the formative phase of Islam to be grounded in the important non-Islamic as well as Islamic sources Witnesses to a World Crisis is essential reading for anyone wanting to understand Islam as a religion and political force, the modern Middle East, and the jihadist impulse, which is as evident today as it was in the seventh century.

This book contains eleven essays, prefaced by a general introduction, on a set of related themes: the characteristic traits and diverse functions of holy men; the fashioning of saints out of a small minority of holy men and a number of other individuals of high social status but with more dubious spiritual credentials; the literary processes involved in the construction of hagiographical texts; the role of hagiography in the creation and diffusion of cults; and the worldly interests and other purposes which were served by hagiographical texts and the cults which they propagated. These themes are explored across a wide range of social and cultural milieux, extending from the late antique east Mediterranean through the early medieval Frankish world and Byzantium to Russia and Islam in the high middle ages. The work of Peter Brown, in particular his article, 'The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity', first published in 1971, forms a constant point of reference, acknowledged by the contributors as having irradiated the whole field with fresh, provocative, and illuminating ideas.

James Howard-Johnston provides a sweeping and highly readable account of probably the most dramatic single episode in world history - the emergence of a new religion (Islam), the destruction of two established great powers (Roman and Iranian), and the creation of a new world empire by the Arabs, all in the space of not much more than a generation (610-52 AD). Warfare looms large, especially where operations can be followed in some detail, as in Iraq 636-40, in Egypt 641-2 and in the long-drawn out battle for the Mediterranean (649-98). As the first history of the formative phase of Islam to be grounded in the important non-Islamic as well as Islamic sources Witnesses to a World Crisis is essential reading for anyone wanting to understand Islam as a religion and political force, the modern Middle East, and the jihadist impulse, which is as evident today as it was in the seventh century.