James Zeigler – författare

In a 2000 review of Zadie Smith's White Teeth, critic James Wood dismissed the genre of "big, ambitious novels"-which he claimed were too dense with information to express any authentic feeling-as "hysterical realism." The contributors to these special issues take Wood's derisive claims as a rallying cry to examine encyclopedic or maximalist novels by women published in the past two decades, including works by Emil Ferris, Valeria Luiselli, Ruth Ozeki, Alexis Wright, Olga Tokarczuk, Lucy Ellmann, Madeleine Thien, Anna Burns, Marisha Pessl, and Rachel Blau DuPlessis. They demonstrate how these authors repurpose a literary form long associated with expansive masculinity to identify and critique conditions that result in sexist harm. These issues are among the first to acknowledge the wealth and number of these kinds of novels by women and explore how authors apply techniques of literary maximalism to feminist interests.Contributors. Maheen Ahmed, Katarzyna Bartoszyńska, Bradley J. Fest, Courtney Jacobs, Shiamin Kwa, Patricia Stuelke, SiÂn White, Marjorie Worthington, James Zeigler

In a 2000 review of Zadie Smith’s White Teeth, critic James Wood dismissed the genre of "big, ambitious novels"-which he claimed were too dense with information to express any authentic feeling-as "hysterical realism." The contributors to these special issues take Wood's derisive claims as a rallying cry to examine encyclopedic or maximalist novels by women published in the past two decades, including works by Emil Ferris, Valeria Luiselli, Ruth Ozeki, Alexis Wright, Olga Tokarczuk, Lucy Ellmann, Madeleine Thien, Anna Burns, Marisha Pessl, and Rachel Blau DuPlessis. They demonstrate how these authors repurpose a literary form long associated with expansive masculinity to identify and critique conditions that result in sexist harm. These issues are among the first to acknowledge the wealth and number of these kinds of novels by women and explore how authors apply techniques of literary maximalism to feminist interests.Contributors. Ben De Bruyn, Ivan Delazari, Courtney Jacobs, Melissa Macero, Valentina Roman, Liz Shek-Noble, James Zeigler

During the early years of the Cold War, racial segregation in the American South became an embarrassing liability to the international reputation of the United States. For America to present itself as a model of democracy in contrast to the Soviet Union's totalitarianism, Jim Crow needed to end. While the discourse of anticommunism added the leverage of national security to the moral claims of the civil rights movement, the proliferation of Red Scare rhetoric also imposed limits on the socioeconomic changes necessary for real equality.Describing the ways anticommunism impaired the struggle for civil rights, James Zeigler reconstructs how Red Scare rhetoric during the Cold War assisted the black freedom struggle's demands for equal rights but labeled ""un-American"" calls for reparations. To track the power of this volatile discourse, Zeigler investigates how radical black artists and intellectuals managed to answer anticommunism with critiques of Cold War culture. Stubbornly addressed to an American public schooled in Red Scare hyperbole, black radicalism insisted that antiracist politics require a leftist critique of capitalism.Zeigler examines publicity campaigns against Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s alleged Communist Party loyalties and the import of the Cold War in his oratory. He documents a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored anthology of ex-Communist testimonials. He takes on the protest essays of Richard Wright and C. L. R. James, as well as Frank Marshall Davis's leftist journalism. The uncanny return of Red Scare invective in reaction to President Obama's election further substantiates anticommunism's lasting rhetorical power as Zeigler discusses conspiracy theories that claim Davis groomed President Obama to become a secret Communist. Long after playing a role in the demise of Jim Crow, the Cold War Red Scare still contributes to the persistence of racism in America.

During the early years of the Cold War, racial segregation in the American South became an embarrassing liability to the international reputation of the United States. For America to present itself as a model of democracy in contrast to the Soviet Union's totalitarianism, Jim Crow needed to end. While the discourse of anticommunism added the leverage of national security to the moral claims of the civil rights movement, the proliferation of Red Scare rhetoric also imposed limits on the socioeconomic changes necessary for real equality.Describing the ways anticommunism impaired the struggle for civil rights, James Zeigler reconstructs how Red Scare rhetoric during the Cold War assisted the black freedom struggle's demands for equal rights but labeled ""un-American"" calls for reparations. To track the power of this volatile discourse, Zeigler investigates how radical black artists and intellectuals managed to answer anticommunism with critiques of Cold War culture. Stubbornly addressed to an American public schooled in Red Scare hyperbole, black radicalism insisted that antiracist politics require a leftist critique of capitalism.Zeigler examines publicity campaigns against Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s alleged Communist Party loyalties and the import of the Cold War in his oratory. He documents a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored anthology of ex-Communist testimonials. He takes on the protest essays of Richard Wright and C. L. R. James, as well as Frank Marshall Davis's leftist journalism. The uncanny return of Red Scare invective in reaction to President Obama's election further substantiates anticommunism's lasting rhetorical power as Zeigler discusses conspiracy theories that claim Davis groomed President Obama to become a secret Communist. Long after playing a role in the demise of Jim Crow, the Cold War Red Scare still contributes to the persistence of racism in America.