Joel Mokyr – författare

En unik samling texter av Nobelpristagarna i ekonomi 2025 – Joel Mokyr, Philippe Aghion och Peter Howitt – samlade och redigerade av Johan Norberg. Genom klassiska utdrag, nyskrivna resonemang och banbrytande texter om innovation och tillväxt tecknas en bild av de idéer som format vår förståelse av ekonomisk utveckling.

Med bidrag även från Nobelkommitténs ledamöter ger boken både fördjupning och sammanhang till ett av vår tids mest inflytelserika forskningsfält.

Joel Mokyr är en av de ledande forskarna om den industriella revolutionens orsaker. Philippe Aghion är en av världens främsta tillväxtekonomer och en central utvecklare av teorin om kreativ förstörelse. Peter Howitt är nationalekonom vars banbrytande arbete från 1990-talet har haft stort inflytande på hur ekonomer förstår innovationens roll i ekonomin.

Tillsammans belönades de med Sveriges riksbanks pris i ekonomisk vetenskap till Alfred Nobels minne 2025  för att ha förklarat innovationsdriven ekonomisk tillväxt . Under de senaste två århundradena har vi för första gången i världshistorien sett en ihållande ekonomisk tillväxt. Den har lyft mängder med människor ur fattigdom och lagt grunden till dagens välfärd. Ekonomipristagarna Joel Mokyr, Philippe Aghion och Peter Howitt förklarar genom sin forskning och publikationer hur nya innovationer sår ett frö till ytterligare framsteg.

How the social organization of Europe and China shaped their divergent economic and political trajectories over the past millenniumIn the eleventh century, when Europe was still backward and poor, China was a rich and sophisticated civilization. Yet Europe became the birthplace of democracy and the Industrial Revolution, driving the Great Enrichment, while China stagnated until the end of the twentieth century and was always ruled by autocracies. Two Paths to Prosperity traces the emergence of two very different social organizations in premodern China and Europe—the clan and the corporation—showing how they were key factors in the economic and political divergence of these two great civilizations.In this landmark book, three leading economists offer a bold new account of why Europe and China evolved along such different trajectories. In the early Middle Ages, public goods like risk sharing, religious worship, education, and conflict resolution were provided by nonstate organizations in both societies. China increasingly relied on kin-based cooperation within clans, while weaker kinship ties in Europe gave rise to corporations such as guilds, universities, and self-governing towns. Despite performing similar functions, clans and corporations were built on very different principles—with lasting consequences until today.Providing a novel answer to a fundamental question in economic and political history, Two Paths to Prosperity shows how extended kinship in Chinese society facilitated the consolidation of autocracy and hindered innovation and economic development, and how corporations in Europe influenced emerging state institutions and set the stage for the Industrial Revolution.

Technical changes in the first half of the nineteenth century led to unprecedented economic growth and capital formation throughout Western Europe; and yet Ireland hardly participated in this process at all. While the Northern Atlantic Economy prospered, the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50 killed a million and a half people and caused hundreds of thousands to flee the country. Why the Irish economy failed to grow, and ‘why Ireland starved’ remains an unresolved riddle of economic history.

Professor Mokyr maintains that the ‘Hungry Forties’ were caused by the overall underdevelopment of the economy during the decades which preceded the famine. In Why Ireland Starved he tests various hypotheses that have been put forward to account for this backwardness. He dismisses widespread arguments that Irish poverty can be explained in terms of over-population, an evil land system or malicious exploitation by the British. Instead, he argues that the causes have to be sought in the low productivity of labor and the insufficient formation of physical capital – results of the peculiar political and social structure of Ireland, continuous conflicts between landlords and tenants, and the rigidity of Irish economic institutions.

Mokyr’s methodology is rigorous and quantitative, in the tradition of the New Economic History. It sets out to test hypotheses about the causal connections between economic and non-economic phenomena. Irish history is often heavily coloured by political convictions: of Dutch-Jewish origin, trained in Israel and working in the United States. Mokyr brings to this controversial field not only wide research experience but also impartiality and scientific objectivity.

The book is primarily aimed at numerate economic historians, historical demographers, economists specializing in agricultural economics and economic development and specialists in Irish and British nineteenth-century history. The text is, nonetheless, free of technical jargon, with the more complex material relegated to appendixes. Mokyr’s line of reasoning is transparent and has been easily accessible and useful to readers without graduate training in economic theory and econometrics since ists first publication in 1983.

Technical changes in the first half of the nineteenth century led to unprecedented economic growth and capital formation throughout Western Europe; and yet Ireland hardly participated in this process at all. While the Northern Atlantic Economy prospered, the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50 killed a million and a half people and caused hundreds of thousands to flee the country. Why the Irish economy failed to grow, and ‘why Ireland starved’ remains an unresolved riddle of economic history.

Professor Mokyr maintains that the ‘Hungry Forties’ were caused by the overall underdevelopment of the economy during the decades which preceded the famine. In Why Ireland Starved he tests various hypotheses that have been put forward to account for this backwardness. He dismisses widespread arguments that Irish poverty can be explained in terms of over-population, an evil land system or malicious exploitation by the British. Instead, he argues that the causes have to be sought in the low productivity of labor and the insufficient formation of physical capital – results of the peculiar political and social structure of Ireland, continuous conflicts between landlords and tenants, and the rigidity of Irish economic institutions.

Mokyr’s methodology is rigorous and quantitative, in the tradition of the New Economic History. It sets out to test hypotheses about the causal connections between economic and non-economic phenomena. Irish history is often heavily coloured by political convictions: of Dutch-Jewish origin, trained in Israel and working in the United States. Mokyr brings to this controversial field not only wide research experience but also impartiality and scientific objectivity.

The book is primarily aimed at numerate economic historians, historical demographers, economists specializing in agricultural economics and economic development and specialists in Irish and British nineteenth-century history. The text is, nonetheless, free of technical jargon, with the more complex material relegated to appendixes. Mokyr’s line of reasoning is transparent and has been easily accessible and useful to readers without graduate training in economic theory and econometrics since ists first publication in 1983.

In recent years, scholars from a variety of disciplines have addressed many perplexing questions about the Industrial Revolution in all its aspects. Understandably, economics has become the focal point for these efforts as professional economists have sought to resolve some of the controversies surrounding this topic.

First published in 1985, this collection contains ten key essays written by leading economists on the subject of the Industrial Revolution. Among the questions discussed are the causes for the pre-eminence of Britain, the roles of the inputs for growth (capital, labor, technical progress), the importance of demand factors, the relation between agricultural progress and the Industrial Revolution, and the standard of living debate.

The essays demonstrate that the application of fresh viewpoints to the literature has given us a considerable new body of data at our disposal, making it possible to test commonly held hypotheses. In addition, this new data has enabled economists to apply a more rigorous logic to the thinking about the Industrial Revolution, thus sharpening many issues heretofore blurred by slipshod methodology and internal inconsistencies.