Liberal education used to command wide political support. Radicals disagreed with conservatives on whether the best culture could be appreciated by everyone, and they disagreed, too, on whether the barriers to understanding it were mainly social and economic, but there was no dispute that any worthwhile education ought to hand on the best that has been thought and said. That consensus has vanished since the 1960s. The book examines why social radicals supported liberal education, why they have moved away from it, and what the implications are for the future of an intellectually stimulating and culturally literate education.

Liberal education used to command wide political support. Radicals disagreed with conservatives on whether the best culture could be appreciated by everyone, and they disagreed, too, on whether the barriers to understanding it were mainly social and economic, but there was no dispute that any worthwhile education ought to hand on the best that has been thought and said. That consensus has vanished since the 1960s. The book examines why social radicals supported liberal education, why they have moved away from it, and what the implications are for the future of an intellectually stimulating and culturally literate education.

This book explores the governance of the UK, and the process of constitutional change, between Scotland’s independence referendum in September 2014 and the UK general election in May 2015. The book contrasts the attitudes of the public, captured through an original survey, with those of politicians, civil servants, and civic leaders, identified through over forty interviews. It pays particular attention to two case studies involving recent changes to the UK’s governing arrangements: the Smith Commission and the transfer of further powers to the Scottish Parliament, and Greater Manchester’s devolution deal that has become a model for devolution across England. It also considers the issue of lowering the voting age to 16, contrasting the political attitudes of younger voters in Scotland with those in the rest of the UK. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of UK politics, devolution, constitutional change, public attitudes, and territorial politics.

Liberal education used to command wide political support. Radicals disagreed with conservatives on whether the best culture could be appreciated by everyone, and they disagreed, too, on whether the barriers to understanding it were mainly social and economic, but there was no dispute that any worthwhile education ought to hand on the best that has been thought and said. That consensus has vanished since the 1960s. The book examines why social radicals supported liberal education, why they have moved away from it, and what the implications are for the future of an intellectually stimulating and culturally literate education.

Liberal education used to command wide political support. Radicals disagreed with conservatives on whether the best culture could be appreciated by everyone, and they disagreed, too, on whether the barriers to understanding it were mainly social and economic, but there was no dispute that any worthwhile education ought to hand on the best that has been thought and said. That consensus has vanished since the 1960s. The book examines why social radicals supported liberal education, why they have moved away from it, and what the implications are for the future of an intellectually stimulating and culturally literate education.

This book explores the governance of the UK, and the process of constitutional change, between Scotland’s independence referendum in September 2014 and the UK general election in May 2015. The book contrasts the attitudes of the public, captured through an original survey, with those of politicians, civil servants, and civic leaders, identified through over forty interviews. It pays particular attention to two case studies involving recent changes to the UK’s governing arrangements: the Smith Commission and the transfer of further powers to the Scottish Parliament, and Greater Manchester’s devolution deal that has become a model for devolution across England. It also considers the issue of lowering the voting age to 16, contrasting the political attitudes of younger voters in Scotland with those in the rest of the UK. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of UK politics, devolution, constitutional change, public attitudes, and territorial politics.