Since the Second World War, the international community has sought to prevent the repetition of destructive far-right forces by establishing institutions such as the United Nations and by adopting documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Jurisprudence and conventions directly prohibit far-right speech and expression. Nevertheless, recently, violent far-right entities, such as Golden Dawn of Greece, have received unprecedented electoral support, xenophobic parties have done spectacularly well in elections; and countries such as Hungary and Poland are being led by right-wing populists who are bringing constitutional upheaval and violating basic elements of doctrines such as the rule of law.

In light of this current reality, this book critically assesses the international and European tools available for States to regulate the far-right. It conducts the analysis through a militant democracy lens. This doctrine has been considered in several arenas as a concept more generally; in the sphere of the European Convention on Human Rights; in relation to particular freedoms, such as that of association; and as a tool for challenging the far-right movement through the spectrum of political science. However, this doctrine has not yet been applied within a legal assessment of challenging the far-right as a single entity. After analysing the aims, objectives, scope and possibility of shortcomings in international and European law, the book looks at what state obligations arise from these laws. It then assesses how freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of association and freedom of assembly are provided for in international and European law and explores what limitation grounds exist which are directly relevant to the regulation of the far-right.

The issue of the far-right is a pressing one on the agenda of politicians, academics, civil society and other groups in Europe and beyond. As such, this book will appeal to those with an interest in International, European or Human rights Law and political science.

Since the Second World War, the international community has sought to prevent the repetition of destructive far-right forces by establishing institutions such as the United Nations and by adopting documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Jurisprudence and conventions directly prohibit far-right speech and expression. Nevertheless, recently, violent far-right entities, such as Golden Dawn of Greece, have received unprecedented electoral support, xenophobic parties have done spectacularly well in elections; and countries such as Hungary and Poland are being led by right-wing populists who are bringing constitutional upheaval and violating basic elements of doctrines such as the rule of law.

In light of this current reality, this book critically assesses the international and European tools available for States to regulate the far-right. It conducts the analysis through a militant democracy lens. This doctrine has been considered in several arenas as a concept more generally; in the sphere of the European Convention on Human Rights; in relation to particular freedoms, such as that of association; and as a tool for challenging the far-right movement through the spectrum of political science. However, this doctrine has not yet been applied within a legal assessment of challenging the far-right as a single entity. After analysing the aims, objectives, scope and possibility of shortcomings in international and European law, the book looks at what state obligations arise from these laws. It then assesses how freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of association and freedom of assembly are provided for in international and European law and explores what limitation grounds exist which are directly relevant to the regulation of the far-right.

The issue of the far-right is a pressing one on the agenda of politicians, academics, civil society and other groups in Europe and beyond. As such, this book will appeal to those with an interest in International, European or Human rights Law and political science.

This book critically evaluates the rise of the far-right in Greece, detailing the legal context in which to understand both the emergence of Golden Dawn, the far-right’s largest grouping, and the 2020 court decision, in which it was deemed to be a criminal organisation.

Golden Dawn was a political party which, for years, also functioned as a violent subculture movement, with limited to no interference by the state. This book sets out the background to its rise in Greece, tracing its development from the post-Junta era. At the same time, the book provides an assessment of the legal framework within which the far-right has operated, and the legal tools available to tackle it – including criminal law, non-discrimination law, the laws governing political parties and the public order framework, and the country’s international and European obligations. Golden Dawn functioned as both a political party and violent entity until its leadership and parliamentary members were found guilty of leading and participating in a criminal organisation. This book demonstrates that the state of impunity in which Golden Dawn’s violent hit squads functioned was both a facilitating factor for its rise, and potentially for its demise, as the group potentially felt untouchable. And its attention to how Greek Law has tackled, and failed to tackle, Golden Dawn offers a timely and more generally useful assessment of how legislation, courts and policies can best challenge the far-right.

This book will be of interest to those teaching and studying in law and politics, as well as more others, concerned with the rise of the far right and violent organizations, especially in Europe.

This book critically evaluates the rise of the far-right in Greece, detailing the legal context in which to understand both the emergence of Golden Dawn, the far-right’s largest grouping, and the 2020 court decision, in which it was deemed to be a criminal organisation.

Golden Dawn was a political party which, for years, also functioned as a violent subculture movement, with limited to no interference by the state. This book sets out the background to its rise in Greece, tracing its development from the post-Junta era. At the same time, the book provides an assessment of the legal framework within which the far-right has operated, and the legal tools available to tackle it – including criminal law, non-discrimination law, the laws governing political parties and the public order framework, and the country’s international and European obligations. Golden Dawn functioned as both a political party and violent entity until its leadership and parliamentary members were found guilty of leading and participating in a criminal organisation. This book demonstrates that the state of impunity in which Golden Dawn’s violent hit squads functioned was both a facilitating factor for its rise, and potentially for its demise, as the group potentially felt untouchable. And its attention to how Greek Law has tackled, and failed to tackle, Golden Dawn offers a timely and more generally useful assessment of how legislation, courts and policies can best challenge the far-right.

This book will be of interest to those teaching and studying in law and politics, as well as more others, concerned with the rise of the far right and violent organizations, especially in Europe.

The work considers the international and European obligations of the UK in the realm of challenging the far-right and assesses the extent to which it adheres to them. It looks at the role of criminal law in tackling hate speech and hate crime and assesses how English law deals with political parties which may deviate from agreed norms and principles such as non-discrimination. The legal analysis is placed within a contextual framework of far-right parties in the United Kingdom and also incorporates a definitional framework in terms of how the law defines themes relevant to challenging the far-right, such as racial discrimination, terrorism and extremism. The book presents a valuable guide for students, academics and policy-makers in the areas of International Human Rights Law, Criminal Law, Comparative Constitutional Law, National Security Law, Comparative Politics and Terrorism Studies.

The work considers the international and European obligations of the UK in the realm of challenging the far-right and assesses the extent to which it adheres to them. It looks at the role of criminal law in tackling hate speech and hate crime and assesses how English law deals with political parties which may deviate from agreed norms and principles such as non-discrimination. The legal analysis is placed within a contextual framework of far-right parties in the United Kingdom and also incorporates a definitional framework in terms of how the law defines themes relevant to challenging the far-right, such as racial discrimination, terrorism and extremism. The book presents a valuable guide for students, academics and policy-makers in the areas of International Human Rights Law, Criminal Law, Comparative Constitutional Law, National Security Law, Comparative Politics and Terrorism Studies.

This book argues that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) should reconsider its approach to hate speech cases and develop a robust protection of freedom of expression as set out in the benchmark case of Handyside v the United Kingdom. In that case, the ECtHR determined that Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), safeguarding the right to freedom of expression, extends protection not only to opinions which are well received but also to those deemed offensive, shocking, or disturbing. However, subsequent rulings by the Court have generated a significant amount of contradictory case law. Against this backdrop, this book provides an analysis of hate speech case law before the ECtHR and the now-obsolete European Commission on Human Rights. Through a jurisprudential analysis, it is argued that these institutions have adopted an overly restrictive approach to hate speech, which fails to provide adequate protection of the right to freedom of expression. It also demonstrates that there are stark inconsistencies when it comes to the treatment of some forms of ‘hate speech’ versus others. The study further contends that, in reaching its decisions on hate speech cases, the Court disregards empirical evidence on matters related to free speech restrictions. Viewing the ECHR as a ‘living instrument,’ the book places this analysis within the current state of affairs vis-à-vis the handling of hate speech, particularly online, by European countries, the European Union itself and social media platforms, actions which the author argues are contributing to a free speech demise. The book will be a valuable resource for academics, researchers and policymakers working in the area of law, political science, European studies and sociology.

Since the Second World War, the international community has sought to prevent the repetition of destructive far-right forces by establishing institutions such as the United Nations and by adopting documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Jurisprudence and conventions directly prohibit far-right speech and expression. Nevertheless, recently, violent far-right entities, such as Golden Dawn of Greece, have received unprecedented electoral support, xenophobic parties have done spectacularly well in elections; and countries such as Hungary and Poland are being led by right-wing populists who are bringing constitutional upheaval and violating basic elements of doctrines such as the rule of law.

In light of this current reality, this book critically assesses the international and European tools available for States to regulate the far-right. It conducts the analysis through a militant democracy lens. This doctrine has been considered in several arenas as a concept more generally; in the sphere of the European Convention on Human Rights; in relation to particular freedoms, such as that of association; and as a tool for challenging the far-right movement through the spectrum of political science. However, this doctrine has not yet been applied within a legal assessment of challenging the far-right as a single entity. After analysing the aims, objectives, scope and possibility of shortcomings in international and European law, the book looks at what state obligations arise from these laws. It then assesses how freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of association and freedom of assembly are provided for in international and European law and explores what limitation grounds exist which are directly relevant to the regulation of the far-right.

The issue of the far-right is a pressing one on the agenda of politicians, academics, civil society and other groups in Europe and beyond. As such, this book will appeal to those with an interest in International, European or Human rights Law and political science.

Since the Second World War, the international community has sought to prevent the repetition of destructive far-right forces by establishing institutions such as the United Nations and by adopting documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Jurisprudence and conventions directly prohibit far-right speech and expression. Nevertheless, recently, violent far-right entities, such as Golden Dawn of Greece, have received unprecedented electoral support, xenophobic parties have done spectacularly well in elections; and countries such as Hungary and Poland are being led by right-wing populists who are bringing constitutional upheaval and violating basic elements of doctrines such as the rule of law.

In light of this current reality, this book critically assesses the international and European tools available for States to regulate the far-right. It conducts the analysis through a militant democracy lens. This doctrine has been considered in several arenas as a concept more generally; in the sphere of the European Convention on Human Rights; in relation to particular freedoms, such as that of association; and as a tool for challenging the far-right movement through the spectrum of political science. However, this doctrine has not yet been applied within a legal assessment of challenging the far-right as a single entity. After analysing the aims, objectives, scope and possibility of shortcomings in international and European law, the book looks at what state obligations arise from these laws. It then assesses how freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of association and freedom of assembly are provided for in international and European law and explores what limitation grounds exist which are directly relevant to the regulation of the far-right.

The issue of the far-right is a pressing one on the agenda of politicians, academics, civil society and other groups in Europe and beyond. As such, this book will appeal to those with an interest in International, European or Human rights Law and political science.

This book critically evaluates the rise of the far-right in Greece, detailing the legal context in which to understand both the emergence of Golden Dawn, the far-right’s largest grouping, and the 2020 court decision, in which it was deemed to be a criminal organisation.

Golden Dawn was a political party which, for years, also functioned as a violent subculture movement, with limited to no interference by the state. This book sets out the background to its rise in Greece, tracing its development from the post-Junta era. At the same time, the book provides an assessment of the legal framework within which the far-right has operated, and the legal tools available to tackle it – including criminal law, non-discrimination law, the laws governing political parties and the public order framework, and the country’s international and European obligations. Golden Dawn functioned as both a political party and violent entity until its leadership and parliamentary members were found guilty of leading and participating in a criminal organisation. This book demonstrates that the state of impunity in which Golden Dawn’s violent hit squads functioned was both a facilitating factor for its rise, and potentially for its demise, as the group potentially felt untouchable. And its attention to how Greek Law has tackled, and failed to tackle, Golden Dawn offers a timely and more generally useful assessment of how legislation, courts and policies can best challenge the far-right.

This book will be of interest to those teaching and studying in law and politics, as well as more others, concerned with the rise of the far right and violent organizations, especially in Europe.

This book critically evaluates the rise of the far-right in Greece, detailing the legal context in which to understand both the emergence of Golden Dawn, the far-right’s largest grouping, and the 2020 court decision, in which it was deemed to be a criminal organisation.

Golden Dawn was a political party which, for years, also functioned as a violent subculture movement, with limited to no interference by the state. This book sets out the background to its rise in Greece, tracing its development from the post-Junta era. At the same time, the book provides an assessment of the legal framework within which the far-right has operated, and the legal tools available to tackle it – including criminal law, non-discrimination law, the laws governing political parties and the public order framework, and the country’s international and European obligations. Golden Dawn functioned as both a political party and violent entity until its leadership and parliamentary members were found guilty of leading and participating in a criminal organisation. This book demonstrates that the state of impunity in which Golden Dawn’s violent hit squads functioned was both a facilitating factor for its rise, and potentially for its demise, as the group potentially felt untouchable. And its attention to how Greek Law has tackled, and failed to tackle, Golden Dawn offers a timely and more generally useful assessment of how legislation, courts and policies can best challenge the far-right.

This book will be of interest to those teaching and studying in law and politics, as well as more others, concerned with the rise of the far right and violent organizations, especially in Europe.

The work considers the international and European obligations of the UK in the realm of challenging the far-right and assesses the extent to which it adheres to them. It looks at the role of criminal law in tackling hate speech and hate crime and assesses how English law deals with political parties which may deviate from agreed norms and principles such as non-discrimination. The legal analysis is placed within a contextual framework of far-right parties in the United Kingdom and also incorporates a definitional framework in terms of how the law defines themes relevant to challenging the far-right, such as racial discrimination, terrorism and extremism. The book presents a valuable guide for students, academics and policy-makers in the areas of International Human Rights Law, Criminal Law, Comparative Constitutional Law, National Security Law, Comparative Politics and Terrorism Studies.

The work considers the international and European obligations of the UK in the realm of challenging the far-right and assesses the extent to which it adheres to them. It looks at the role of criminal law in tackling hate speech and hate crime and assesses how English law deals with political parties which may deviate from agreed norms and principles such as non-discrimination. The legal analysis is placed within a contextual framework of far-right parties in the United Kingdom and also incorporates a definitional framework in terms of how the law defines themes relevant to challenging the far-right, such as racial discrimination, terrorism and extremism. The book presents a valuable guide for students, academics and policy-makers in the areas of International Human Rights Law, Criminal Law, Comparative Constitutional Law, National Security Law, Comparative Politics and Terrorism Studies.

This book argues that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) should reconsider its approach to hate speech cases and develop a robust protection of freedom of expression as set out in the benchmark case of Handyside v the United Kingdom. In that case, the ECtHR determined that Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), safeguarding the right to freedom of expression, extends protection not only to opinions which are well received but also to those deemed offensive, shocking, or disturbing. However, subsequent rulings by the Court have generated a significant amount of contradictory case law. Against this backdrop, this book provides an analysis of hate speech case law before the ECtHR and the now-obsolete European Commission on Human Rights. Through a jurisprudential analysis, it is argued that these institutions have adopted an overly restrictive approach to hate speech, which fails to provide adequate protection of the right to freedom of expression. It also demonstrates that there are stark inconsistencies when it comes to the treatment of some forms of ‘hate speech’ versus others. The study further contends that, in reaching its decisions on hate speech cases, the Court disregards empirical evidence on matters related to free speech restrictions. Viewing the ECHR as a ‘living instrument,’ the book places this analysis within the current state of affairs vis-à-vis the handling of hate speech, particularly online, by European countries, the European Union itself and social media platforms, actions which the author argues are contributing to a free speech demise. The book will be a valuable resource for academics, researchers and policymakers working in the area of law, political science, European studies and sociology.