Neville Wylie - Böcker

This is the first comprehensive study of British policy towards Switzerland during the Second World War. Switzerland occupied an ambiguous place in British belligerency. For most policy-makers, Switzerland epitomized the kind of political values that Britain claimed to uphold when it declared war on Nazi Germany in 1939. At the same time however, Switzerland's inexorable drift into the German orbit after mid-1940 inevitably prevented Britain from treating the Swiss with quite the same benevolence as had characterized relations between the two countries over the previous 150 years. This book investigates how the British government tried to resolve this problem and construct a policy that met its primary political and strategic needs, while maintaining cordial relations with, as Churchill put it, the 'only decent neutral' in the world.The book addresses six themes: British blockade policy, the place of Switzerland in Britain's land and air strategies, London's reaction to Swiss banking activities, and Switzerland's role as an intelligence centre and as a provider of humanitarian and political assistance. While some of the problems London faced were unique to Anglo-Swiss relations, officials were rarely able to deal with Switzerland in isolation from Britain's broader diplomatic objectives. As a result the book contributes to our understanding of economic and financial warfare, the Holocaust, Anglo-American relations, the Allied strategic bombing campaign, Switzerland's place in the history of the Second World War, and the role of cultural influences on international relations.The book argues that Britain was considerably more successful in benefiting from its relations with Switzerland than has hitherto been assumed, especially in the acquisition of Swiss manufactures and secret intelligence. London thus retained a stake in the maintenance of Swiss neutrality long after the severance of direct communications between the two countries in June 1940. At base however, British attitudes were shaped by a set of entrenched beliefs about Switzerland and Swiss neutrality that remained in place, despite the growing evidence detailing the extent of Swiss-German collaboration. British policy towards Switzerland therefore rested on a view of Swiss neutrality that was forged as much from the preconceptions of British officials as from a dispassionate reading of Switzerland's place in the war.

Barbed Wire Diplomacy examines how the United Kingdom government went about protecting the interests, lives and well-being of its prisoners of war (POWs) in Nazi Germany between 1939 and 1945. The comparatively good treatment of British prisoners in Germany has largely been explained by historians in terms of rational self-interest, reciprocity, and influence of Nazi racism, which accorded Anglo-Saxon servicemen a higher status than other categories of POWs. By contrast, Neville Wylie offers a more nuanced picture of Anglo-German relations and the politics of prisoners of war. Drawing on British, German, United States and Swiss sources, he argues that German benevolence towards British POWs stemmed from London's success in working through neutral intermediaries, notably its protecting power (the United States and Switzerland) and the International Committee of the Red Cross, to promote German compliance with the 1929 Geneva convention, and building and sustaining a relationship with the German government that was capable of withstanding the corrosive effects of five years of warfare.Expanding our understanding of both the formulation and execution of POW policy in both capitals, the book sheds new light on the dynamics in inter-belligerent relations during the war. It suggests that while the Second World War should be rightly acknowledged as a conflict in which traditional constraints were routinely abandoned in the pursuit of political, strategic and ideological goals, in this important area of Anglo-German relations, customary international norms were both resilient and effective.

This fascinating new collection of essays on Britain’s Special Operations Executive (SOE) explores the ‘non-military’ aspects of British special operations in the Second World War. It details how SOE was established in the summer of 1940 to ‘set Europe ablaze’, as Churchill memorably put it. This was a task it was meant to achieve by detonating popular resistance against Axis rule, and nurturing ‘secret armies’, which might be capable of providing military and other forms of assistance for British forces when they were once again able to return to the offensive and conduct land operations in Europe. The importance of the collection, however, goes beyond merely illuminating aspects of SOE’s work which have largely been overlooked in previous scholarship. More significantly, by situating SOE within the context of Britain’s broader political needs, the essays demonstrate the extent to which SOE came to epitomise and embody the range of skills that are found in today’s secret service organisations. SOE showed itself capable of operating on a global scale and developing the necessary expertise, equipment and personnel to conduct activities across the whole spectrum of what we have come to know as ‘covert operations’. By bringing SOE’s activities into sharper focus and exposing the scale of its involvement in Britain’s wartime external relations, the essays echo current thinking on the place of the so-called ‘secret world’ in international politics.

This fascinating new collection of essays on Britain’s Special Operations Executive (SOE) explores the ‘non-military’ aspects of British special operations in the Second World War. It details how SOE was established in the summer of 1940 to ‘set Europe ablaze’, as Churchill memorably put it. This was a task it was meant to achieve by detonating popular resistance against Axis rule, and nurturing ‘secret armies’, which might be capable of providing military and other forms of assistance for British forces when they were once again able to return to the offensive and conduct land operations in Europe. The importance of the collection, however, goes beyond merely illuminating aspects of SOE’s work which have largely been overlooked in previous scholarship. More significantly, by situating SOE within the context of Britain’s broader political needs, the essays demonstrate the extent to which SOE came to epitomise and embody the range of skills that are found in today’s secret service organisations. SOE showed itself capable of operating on a global scale and developing the necessary expertise, equipment and personnel to conduct activities across the whole spectrum of what we have come to know as ‘covert operations’. By bringing SOE’s activities into sharper focus and exposing the scale of its involvement in Britain’s wartime external relations, the essays echo current thinking on the place of the so-called ‘secret world’ in international politics.

This collection provides a comprehensive English-language survey of the conduct of neutral and non-belligerent states during the war. Instead of narrowly focusing on the few neutrals that survived the war intact, the volume broadens our understanding of neutrality, by including chapters on 'non-belligerents' and those neutrals of south-east Europe, such as Romania and Yugoslavia. The essays focus on how individual neutral governments perceived international developments and throw light on the domestic political circumstances that critically affected their response to the course of the war. They therefore provide the political context that has been overlooked in controversies surrounding their humanitarian and financial activities. While based on the authors' own research, the essays draw widely on secondary literature and provide invaluable analytical introductions to the large amount of historical writing on these countries.

This collection provides a comprehensive English-language survey of the conduct of neutral and non-belligerent states during the war. Instead of narrowly focusing on the few neutrals that survived the war intact, the volume broadens our understanding of neutrality, by including chapters on 'non-belligerents' and those neutrals of south-east Europe, such as Romania and Yugoslavia. The essays focus on how individual neutral governments perceived international developments and throw light on the domestic political circumstances that critically affected their response to the course of the war. They therefore provide the political context that has been overlooked in controversies surrounding their humanitarian and financial activities. While based on the authors' own research, the essays draw widely on secondary literature and provide invaluable analytical introductions to the large amount of historical writing on these countries.

In the first independent study of the League of Red Cross Societies, an interdisciplinary team of leading scholars examine its history, and how it influenced twentieth-century humanitarianism. They explore how the League evolved from 1919 to 1991 as a peacetime organisation of the Red Cross in contrast to the original wartime focus of the International Committee of the Red Cross. Investigating largely unknown, but significant actors, they shed new light on the League's activities in Southeast Asia, the Horn of Africa, Latin America and Europe through case studies focussing on its global health initiatives, the complexity of its networks in war and peace, and its role in providing relief. The authors argue that it is impossible to understand today's Red Cross and Red Crescent movement and global humanitarianism without considering the structures, expertise and training provided by the League to member National Societies from 1919 to 1991.

For over 150 years, the Red Cross has brought succour to the world’s needy, from sick and wounded soldiers on the battlefield, to political detainees, to those suffering the effects of natural disasters. The world’s oldest and most preeminent humanitarian movement, the relevance and status of the Red Cross Movement today is as high as it has ever been.Reimagining and re-evaluating the Red Cross as a global institutional network, this volume charts the rise of the Red Cross and analyses the emergence of humanitarianism through a series of turning points, practices and myths. The contributors explore the three unique elements that make up the Red Cross Movement: the International Committee of the Red Cross, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent formerly known as the League of Red Cross Societies (both based in Geneva) and the 192 national societies. With chapters by leading scholars and researchers from Europe, the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand and America, the book offers a timely account of this unique, complex and contested organisation.

This book provides fresh perspectives on a key period in the history of humanitarianism. Drawing on economic, cultural, social and diplomatic perspectives, it explores the scale and meaning of humanitarianism in the era of the Great War. Foregrounding the local and global dimensions of the humanitarian responses, it interrogates the entanglement of humanitarian and political interests and uncovers the motivations and agency of aid donors, relief workers and recipients. The chapters probe the limits of humanitarian engagement in a period of unprecedented violence and suffering and evaluate its long-term impact on humanitarian action.