Olúfémi Táíwò – författare

In a forthright and uncompromising manner, Olúfémi Táíwò explores Africa's hostility toward modernity and how that hostility has impeded economic development and social and political transformation. What has to change for Africa to be able to respond to the challenges of modernity and globalization? Táíwò insists that Africa can renew itself only by fully engaging with democracy and capitalism and by mining its untapped intellectual resources. While many may not agree with Táíwò's positions, they will be unable to ignore what he says. This is a bold exhortation for Africa to come into the 21st century.

In a forthright and uncompromising manner, Olúfémi Táíwò explores Africa's hostility toward modernity and how that hostility has impeded economic development and social and political transformation. What has to change for Africa to be able to respond to the challenges of modernity and globalization? Táíwò insists that Africa can renew itself only by fully engaging with democracy and capitalism and by mining its untapped intellectual resources. While many may not agree with Táíwò's positions, they will be unable to ignore what he says. This is a bold exhortation for Africa to come into the 21st century.

Why hasn't Africa been able to respond to the challenges of modernity and globalization? Going against the conventional wisdom that colonialism brought modernity to Africa, Olúfémi Táíwò claims that Africa was already becoming modern and that colonialism was an unfinished project. Africans aspired to liberal democracy and the rule of law, but colonial officials aborted those efforts when they established indirect rule in the service of the European powers. Táíwò looks closely at modern institutions, such as church missionary societies, to recognize African agency and the impulse toward progress. He insists that Africa can get back on track and advocates a renewed engagement with modernity. Immigration, capitalism, democracy, and globalization, if done right this time, can be tools that shape a positive future for Africa.

Legal Naturalism advances a clear and convincing case that Marx's theory of law is a form of natural law jurisprudence. It explicates both Marx's writings and the idea of natural law, and makes a forceful contribution to current debates on the foundations of law. Olufemi Taiwo argues that embedded in the corpus of Marxist writing is a plausible, adequate, and coherent legal theory. He describes Marx's general concept of law, which he calls "legal naturalism." For Marxism, natural law isn't a permanent verity; it refers to the basic law of a given epoch or social formation which is an essential aspect of its mode of production. Capitalist law is thus natural law in a capitalist society and is politically and morally progressive relative to the laws of preceding social formations.Taiwo emphasizes that these formations are dialectical or dynamic, not merely static, so that the law which is naturally appropriate to a capitalist economy will embody tensions and contradictions that replicate the underlying conflicts of that economy. In addition, he discusses the enactment and reform of "positive law"-law established by government institutions-in a Marxian framework.

Legal Naturalism advances a clear and convincing case that Marx's theory of law is a form of natural law jurisprudence. It explicates both Marx's writings and the idea of natural law, and makes a forceful contribution to current debates on the foundations of law. Olufemi Taiwo argues that embedded in the corpus of Marxist writing is a plausible, adequate, and coherent legal theory. He describes Marx's general concept of law, which he calls "legal naturalism." For Marxism, natural law isn't a permanent verity; it refers to the basic law of a given epoch or social formation which is an essential aspect of its mode of production. Capitalist law is thus natural law in a capitalist society and is politically and morally progressive relative to the laws of preceding social formations.Taiwo emphasizes that these formations are dialectical or dynamic, not merely static, so that the law which is naturally appropriate to a capitalist economy will embody tensions and contradictions that replicate the underlying conflicts of that economy. In addition, he discusses the enactment and reform of "positive law"-law established by government institutions-in a Marxian framework.

Written from the perspective of a philosopher and African immigrant, this book makes a forceful moral argument for the need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in the United States to address the long history of injustice to African-Americans. It shows that a TRC—similar to those established in South Africa and Chile—would rescue the ideals embodied in the U.S. Constitution while expanding their promise. Rejecting more recent views of the country’s founding as an embodiment of incorrigible racial oppression, Olúfẹmi Táíwò sees in the U.S. Constitution, and the original utopia that was at its foundation, the best available means for achieving liberty and justice. But he simultaneously shows how only a TRC can successfully open the path to moving the U.S. past its long legacy of anti-black racism in particular and racial oppression, generally, towards a more perfect union.Written with an immigrant’s love of his new homeland but a clear-eyed view of its major shortcomings, the book rejects the idea of American exceptionalism in prescribing a solution that has worked elsewhere.Key FeaturesA clear view of the wide chasm between the ideals established at the U.S.’s founding and the subsequent society that developed.Combines first-person experiences of the author with close readings of modern political philosophy, W.E.B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King, Jr., Derrick Bell, and others.Traces the link between the denial of citizenship to Blacks, both historically and today, and anti-Black violence.Shows how an obsession with the law and legal reform will never adequately address the fundamental problem of anti-Black oppression.Shows philosophically the necessity of establishing a consensual view of the truth, and how it must precede any effective reconciliation.

Written from the perspective of a philosopher and African immigrant, this book makes a forceful moral argument for the need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in the United States to address the long history of injustice to African-Americans. It shows that a TRC—similar to those established in South Africa and Chile—would rescue the ideals embodied in the U.S. Constitution while expanding their promise. Rejecting more recent views of the country’s founding as an embodiment of incorrigible racial oppression, Olúfẹmi Táíwò sees in the U.S. Constitution, and the original utopia that was at its foundation, the best available means for achieving liberty and justice. But he simultaneously shows how only a TRC can successfully open the path to moving the U.S. past its long legacy of anti-black racism in particular and racial oppression, generally, towards a more perfect union.Written with an immigrant’s love of his new homeland but a clear-eyed view of its major shortcomings, the book rejects the idea of American exceptionalism in prescribing a solution that has worked elsewhere.Key FeaturesA clear view of the wide chasm between the ideals established at the U.S.’s founding and the subsequent society that developed.Combines first-person experiences of the author with close readings of modern political philosophy, W.E.B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King, Jr., Derrick Bell, and others.Traces the link between the denial of citizenship to Blacks, both historically and today, and anti-Black violence.Shows how an obsession with the law and legal reform will never adequately address the fundamental problem of anti-Black oppression.Shows philosophically the necessity of establishing a consensual view of the truth, and how it must precede any effective reconciliation.

An argument against the idea of the indigenous chief as a liberal political figure.Across Africa, it is not unusual for proponents of liberal democracy and modernization to make room for some aspects of indigenous culture, such as the use of a chief as a political figure. Yet for Olúfẹ́mi Táíwò, no such accommodation should be made. Chiefs, he argues, in this thought-provoking and wide-ranging pamphlet, cannot be liberals—and liberals cannot be chiefs. If we fail to recognize this, we fail to acknowledge the metaphysical underpinnings of modern understandings of freedom and equality, as well as the ways in which African intellectuals can offer a distinctive take on the unfinished business of colonialism.