Vernon M. Briggs – författare

The Chicano Worker is an incisive analysis of the labor-market experiences of Mexican American workers in the late twentieth century. The authors—each established in the fields of labor economics and research on Chicano workers—describe the major employment patterns of the Chicano labor force and discuss the historical and institutional factors determining these patterns. This work speaks to the continuing widespread public interest in Mexican immigration, migrant farm labor, unionization of farm workers, Chicano education and training needs, and the legacy of discriminatory treatment against Chicanos. The authors treat the convergence of these issues and their public policy implications.Drawing from census data as well as other sources, The Chicano Worker reports on Chicano unemployment, labor-force participation, occupational and industrial distributions of employment, and various indices of earnings. It also deals with such issues as history, family size, health, and culture. The Chicano Worker is likely to open new areas of interest, discussion, and criticism concerning Chicanos in the United States.

As America begins the 21st century there is growing outcry across the land for reform of the nation's chaotic immigration policies. This text shows how immigration patterns are in direct conflict with emerging labour market trends and constitute a serious threat to the jobs of American workers.

In the year 2000 the AFL-CIO announced a historic change in its position on immigration. Reversing a decades-old stance by labor, the federation declared that it would no longer press to reduce high immigration levels or call for rigorous enforcement of immigration laws. Instead, it now supports the repeal of sanctions imposed against employers who hire illegal immigrants as well as a general amnesty for most such workers. In this timely book, Vernon M. Briggs, Jr., challenges labor's recent about-face, charting the disastrous effects that immigration has had on union membership over the course of U.S. history.Briggs explores the close relationship between immigration and employment trends beginning in the 1780s. Combining the history of labor and of immigration in a new and innovative way, he establishes that over time unionism has thrived when the numbers of newcomers have decreased, and faltered when those figures have risen.Briggs argues convincingly that the labor movement cannot be revived unless the following steps are taken: immigration levels are reduced, admission categories changed, labor law reformed, and the enforcement of labor protection standards at the worksite enhanced. The survival of American unionism, he asserts, does not rest with the movement's becoming a partner of the pro-immigration lobby. For to do so, organized labor would have to abandon its legacy as the champion of the American worker.

In the year 2000 the AFL-CIO announced a historic change in its position on immigration. Reversing a decades-old stance by labor, the federation declared that it would no longer press to reduce high immigration levels or call for rigorous enforcement of immigration laws. Instead, it now supports the repeal of sanctions imposed against employers who hire illegal immigrants as well as a general amnesty for most such workers. In this timely book, Vernon M. Briggs, Jr., challenges labor's recent about-face, charting the disastrous effects that immigration has had on union membership over the course of U.S. history.Briggs explores the close relationship between immigration and employment trends beginning in the 1780s. Combining the history of labor and of immigration in a new and innovative way, he establishes that over time unionism has thrived when the numbers of newcomers have decreased, and faltered when those figures have risen.Briggs argues convincingly that the labor movement cannot be revived unless the following steps are taken: immigration levels are reduced, admission categories changed, labor law reformed, and the enforcement of labor protection standards at the worksite enhanced. The survival of American unionism, he asserts, does not rest with the movement's becoming a partner of the pro-immigration lobby. For to do so, organized labor would have to abandon its legacy as the champion of the American worker.