Edinburgh Studies in Comparative Political Theory and Intellectual History – serie

This book re-examines the philosophical roots of classical liberal political economy and its relationship to the problem of empire and the emancipation of women. It proposes an interpretive model based upon the interconnection between distinct theories of natural rights and the harmony of interests. It takes a fresh look at classical liberalism by exploring economic arguments in thinkers like Thomas Hobbes, Thomas Paine, John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon and by highlighting the importance of Bernard Mandeville and Adam Smith in the development of interest-based liberalism. It also explores lesser-known economic works by thinkers such as John Locke, David Hume, and John Stuart Mill in light of their more well-known political writings. With classical liberal assumptions still prominent in contemporary debates about economic justice, it is vital for every democratic citizen to understand the complex origins and development of the ideas that did so much to shape our world today.

Lays out an account of the origins and development of liberal political and economic theoryIncludes case studies that cover thinkers and ideas from the English Civil War through to liberalism's first encounters with socialism Provides comparative analysis of distinct intellectual traditions including English natural rights theory, the Scottish Enlightenment, Victorian-era utilitarianism and classical political economyIntegrates history of economic thinking into broader milieu of modern political, moral and natural philosophyExamines secondary literature and research from a range of disciplinary areas including political theory, modern intellectual history, economic thought and modern British history and philosophyThis book re-examines the philosophical roots of classical liberal political economy, as well as addressing the relationship between the empire and liberalism. It proposes an interpretive model based upon the interconnection between distinct theories of natural rights and the harmony of interests. It takes a fresh look at classical liberalism by exploring economic arguments in thinkers like Thomas Hobbes, Thomas Paine, John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, who are not typically viewed as economic thinkers, and by highlighting the importance of Bernard Mandeville and Adam Smith in the development of interest-based liberalism. It also re-examines lesser-known economic tracts by thinkers such as John Locke, David Hume and John Stuart Mill in light of their more well-known political writings. With classical liberal assumptions still prominent in contemporary debates about economic justice, it is vital for every democratic citizen to understand the complex origins and development of the ideas that did so much to shape our world today.

Can wisdom and power, philosophy and politics be combined to secure justice? Or are there formidable tensions, even antagonism between them? Socrates presented the philosopher king as an aspiration, a remedy for the ills of the world. He also called it a paradox, a challenging and perplexing innovation. Ever since, the philosopher king has been an enduring and fascinating question as well as a political aspiration. Modern Philosopher Kings examines the philosopher king as a paradox and an ambitious modern project. Through a series of diverse studies ranging from the prophet, intellectual, artist, advisor, scientist and ‘the people’ it examines modern attempts to unite wisdom and power. In doing so it reveals the different ways and the extent to which wisdom can be empowered and power ennobled.

Explores the reception of Machiavelli's works in modern Latin America and Spanish-speaking political thought between 1880 and 1940Offers the first systematic research on Machiavelli in Spanish-Speaking political thought Compares the reception of Machiavelli between the Spanish-Speaking and English-Speaking Atlantic worldsFocuses on two main periods: 1880-1914 and 1914-1940Reinterprets the history of liberalism and anti- liberalism bringing both schools of thought into dialogueCombining historiography and political theory, this book compares different strands of Machiavelli's reception in South and North America, and between Hispanic America and Spain. It provides new insight into Machiavelli's writings and how they have been read in different contexts. The book analyses these readings focusing on some specific themes including: the relationship between politics and morals; the links between political power and freedom; debates about political realism; reflections on liberalism and republicanism; and conceptions of time and history. The book argues that Machiavelli had a significant impact on both liberal and anti-liberal authors from Argentina and Spain. For liberals, he represented a synonym of tyranny but also, in opposite way, he had offered a synthesis between republicanism and liberalism. For anti-liberals, he was associated with Modernity and liberalism.

Combining historiography and political theory, this book compares different strands of Machiavelli’s reception in South and North America, and between Hispanic America and Spain. It provides new insight into Machiavelli's writings and how they have been read in different contexts. The book analyses these readings focusing on some specific themes including: the relationship between politics and morals; the links between political power and freedom; debates about political realism; reflections on liberalism and republicanism; and conceptions of time and history. The book argues that Machiavelli had a significant impact on both liberal and anti-liberal authors from Argentina and Spain. For liberals, he represented a synonym of tyranny but also, in opposite way, he had offered a synthesis between republicanism and liberalism. For anti-liberals, he was associated with Modernity and liberalism.

Machiavellianism and Platonism are traditionally opposed, as realism is to idealism, and might is to right. This book questions this opposition, arguing that Machiavelli is far more influenced by Platonism than by Epicureanism. The Platonism at the time of the Medici is marked by the reception of Arabic/Islamic and Byzantine interpretations of Plato. These portray Platonism as an expression of an “ancient theology” that offers an alternative to Christianity by undoing a stark opposition between faith and knowledge; emphasising the political and state-founding role of prophets; affirming the continuity between humans and animals; and defending the rationality of divine and human law. Miguel Vatter contends that from these alternative approaches to Platonism, Machiavelli draws a critique of both the Catholic Church and of Humanism, rejecting their oligarchic tendencies in favour of a radical form of republicanism.

Moderate Liberalism and the Scottish Enlightenment responds to a perennial problem in political theory: how to balance commercial considerations with the public good. It investigates this dilemma through the lenses of Enlightenment thinkers whose liberal theories responded to the hazards of commercial innovation during capitalism's nascent stages. Vassiliou argues that Montesquieu, David Hume, Adam Smith, and Adam Ferguson represent a moderate perspective in foundational liberal thought, which emphasizes the critical importance of honour. He compares how their liberal theories uniquely channel human beings' desire for honour to nourish a sense of interpersonal magnanimity within an inward-looking, liberal commercial world. In an age of polarized extremes, we have witnessed restive democracies flirting with populist, illiberal responses for managing the hazards of capitalist innovation. Montesquieu and his Scottish counterparts' foundational liberal theories offer us more viable, middle-ground prescriptions which are sensitive to the emotional constitution of a liberal society.

The book addresses the question of the extent to which theological discourse has been and is relevant to the origins of the meanings, symbols, and realities of some instituted political practices. This relevance has historically manifested itself in the hybridisation of theological and political concepts, images, gestures, and rituals. Indeed, some divine traces could be seen as embedded in institutionalised political practices. Theopolitical figures, then, are other names for God - in the sense of negative theology - that we find in instituted practices within the political realm. The book considers five theopolitical figures: scripture, prophecy, oath, charisma, and hospitality. In the symbolic meaning of these figures, we discern some central questions for contemporary societies, among them: the unconditional character of justice, the unfeasibility of historical expectation, the stability of the given word, the idea of power as a gift, and openness to the coming other as an ethical-political imperative.

Examines the meaning of five theopolitical figures scripture, prophecy, oath, charisma and hospitality in contemporary philosophical-political discourseRe-inscribes contemporary political concepts and experiences in the 'theological locus' from which they supposedly come and at the same time looks for new semantic derivations for the political arenaEngages with various 20th century continental philosophers, including Walter Benjamin, Jacques Derrida, Jean-Louis Chr tien, Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, Jean-Luc Nancy, John Caputo, Jean Luc Marion among othersBrings into dialogue discussions of theological literature and historyCombines philosophical reflection with case studies of the political interpretation of the Bible; the Lisbon earthquake of 1755; the transferences between oath and sacrament in early Christianity; and acclamations from the imperial cult to modern autocraciesConsiders different theological traditions of thought, mainly, Christian and JewishThis book explores the extent to which theological discourse has been, and continues to be, relevant in shaping the meanings, symbols and realities of certain instituted political practices. This relevance has historically manifested itself in the hybridisation of theological and political concepts, images, gestures, and rituals.Combining theological and political concepts, Herrero shows that some divine traces could be embedded in institutionalised political practices. She argues that these theopolitical figures scripture, prophecy, oath, charisma and hospitality should be read negatively as other names of God, in the sense of a negative theology, in the post-secular world. By analysing the symbolic meaning of these figures, Theopolitical Figures sheds new light on crucial questions for contemporary societies, such as the unconditional character of justice, the unfeasibility of historical expectation, the stability of the word, the idea of power as a gift, and openness to otherness as an ethical-political imperative.

How did early modern philosophy of space shape the modern concept of political universalism? In this book, Pablo Bustinduy persuasively argues that political universalism emerged from both the developments of Newtonian science and the formulation of the modern philosophy of the State. In the metaphysics of an open, empty, abstract and absolute space, Bustinduy suggests, the universalist project of modern politics found its logical model and foundation. There, the anxiety of a dislocated world was overcome, and the ontology of modern physics found a specific political expression that, despite being besieged by multiple crises, still animates our political imagination. By offering a political reading of early modern philosophy of space, Space and Political Universalism in Early Modern Physics and Philosophy reveals the connections between the logical development of early modern science, the contemporary elaborations of the philosophy of the State, and the historical articulations of the Westphalian system, early capitalist social formations, and the European colonial project. In doing so, it offers a powerful reflection on how we might detach democracy from the 'perilous metaphysics' of infinite space that has engendered political violence and domination, positing space as an emptiness that prevents the closure of the political itself.

How did early modern philosophy of space shape the modern concept of political universalism? In this book, Pablo Bustinduy persuasively argues that political universalism emerged from both the developments of Newtonian science and the formulation of the modern philosophy of the State. In the metaphysics of an open, empty, abstract and absolute space, Bustinduy suggests, the universalist project of modern politics found its logical model and foundation. There, the anxiety of a dislocated world was overcome, and the ontology of modern physics found a specific political expression that, despite being besieged by multiple crises, still animates our political imagination. By offering a political reading of early modern philosophy of space, Space and Political Universalism in Early Modern Physics and Philosophy reveals the connections between the logical development of early modern science, the contemporary elaborations of the philosophy of the State, and the historical articulations of the Westphalian system, early capitalist social formations, and the European colonial project. In doing so, it offers a powerful reflection on how we might detach democracy from the 'perilous metaphysics' of infinite space that has engendered political violence and domination, positing space as an emptiness that prevents the closure of the political itself.

Ancient Greek Democracy and American Republicanism explores the archetype of Prometheus in political theory, representing faith in human agency and self-governance. It borrows perspectives from Hannah Arendt and Christopher Lasch, tracing Promethean elements in the philosophy behind the ancient Athenian polis as well as in early American republican thought, which laid the foundations of the American Revolution and also of the Populist Movement during the nineteenth century.The second principle of Prometheanism revolves around a 'tragic vision' of life and human nature; Prometheanism questions optimistic ideologies advocating human perfection or endless improvement. Ancient Greek democracy and early American republicanism maintain a balanced else called melioristic approach to human agency and potential. They value the importance of action, without promising endless betterment and assured happiness. Finally, cultural heritage and identity are seen as crucial for participatory (Promethean) politics. With this in mind, the book criticises mainstream liberal trends and questions the ardent optimism and cultural nihilism of the republicanism of the French Revolution.

Ancient Greek Democracy and American Republicanism explores the archetype of Prometheus in political theory, representing faith in human agency and self-governance. It borrows perspectives from Hannah Arendt and Christopher Lasch, tracing Promethean elements in the philosophy behind the ancient Athenian polis as well as in early American republican thought, which laid the foundations of the American Revolution and also of the Populist Movement during the nineteenth century.The second principle of Prometheanism revolves around a 'tragic vision' of life and human nature; Prometheanism questions optimistic ideologies advocating human perfection or endless improvement. Ancient Greek democracy and early American republicanism maintain a balanced – else called melioristic – approach to human agency and potential. They value the importance of action, without promising endless betterment and assured happiness. Finally, cultural heritage and identity are seen as crucial for participatory (Promethean) politics. With this in mind, the book criticises mainstream liberal trends and questions the ardent optimism and cultural nihilism of the republicanism of the French Revolution.

The Modern Tyrant argues that modern authoritarian leaders resemble classical tyrants but are distinctive in three ways: their ambitions for wealth and glory are shaped by modernity (especially nationalism, religion and ideology); their techniques are novel, combining authoritarian and democratic forms, and finally, they are much more powerful, able to exploit modern propaganda techniques and technology to enhance their control and dominance.

Herodotus and the Birth of Freedom examines Herodotus’ presentation of Persia in the History, arguing that Herodotus considered the Persians to be free rather than slaves and the Persian monarchs to be legitimate kings rather than oppressive tyrants. Matthew K. Reising offers a new interpretation of the History, supported by a variety of textual and archaeological case studies, drawing on research and secondary literature from across a range of disciplines, including comparative political theory, ancient Near Eastern studies, intellectual history and reception studies.After making the case that Herodotus considered the Persians to be politically free, this book offers a comparative analysis of the diverging conceptions of freedom found in Greece, Persian, Babylonian and Egyptian sources, and argues that the comparison helps us to clarify the relationship of freedom to constitutional self-government, institutional accountability, political participation and civic equality.

Covering tsarist, Soviet and post-Soviet Russia, this book traces how Russian thinkers have, in the course of history, been thinking about the political. It examines the past and the present state of political philosophy in Russia chronologically and conceptually, to highlight its distinctive character, importance and universal relevance. The book presents original interpretations of major figures such as Vladimir I. Lenin and Vladimir S. Solov'ev, highlights the Russian roots of Ayn Rand and Alexandre Kojeve and introduces less well-known thinkers including Semen L. Frank and Maria Skobtsova. Drawing from primary sources, the book provides access to a world of thought and brings the rich history of political philosophy in Russia to life.

Political philosophy in Russia has always sought, and sometimes found, a middle way between embracing anarchy and searching for authority. Political philosophy in Russia has never before been the subject of a scholarly monograph. While historical factors make this understandable, the topic deserves our attention more than ever, now that Russia, after a short Soviet century, has regained self-assurance as a world power. Its unique historical trajectory, and the specific role of philosophy in it, are of interest to many fields of research and, beyond that, broader audiences. A focus on political philosophy as it existed and exists in Russia despite periods of marginalisation and suppression, allows us to understand its specific character, importance and relevance, and to realise that, in trying to think philosophically, critically, and reflectively about the political reality that shapes them, Russian thinkers are not essentially different from philosophers elsewhere. Hence, many lessons that can be learned from this subject.

Uncovers the relationship between early modern natural law ideas and conceptions of the origins of politicsReforming the Law of Nature is a stimulating study of the development of natural law ideas in the early modern period. The book brings sixteenth and seventeenth century jurisprudence, theology and political philosophy into conversation with one another to explore the ways in which developments in political thought in the Reformed Protestant tradition affected the emergence of a secular understanding of political life.