Bahar Baser – författare

President Erdogan's victory in the April 2017 referendum granted him sweeping new powers across Turkey. The constitutional reforms transform the country from a parliamentary democracy into a "Turkish style" presidential republic. Despite being democratically elected, Turkey's ruling AKP party has moved towards increasingly authoritarian measures. During the coup attempt in July 2016, the AKP government declared a state of emergency which Erdogan saw as an opportunity to purge the public sector of pro-Gulenist individuals and criminalise opposition groups including Kurds, Alevites, leftists and liberals. The country experienced political turmoil and rapid transformation as a result. This book identifies the process of democratic reversal in Turkey. In particular, contributors explore the various ways that a democratically elected political party has used elections to implement authoritarian measures. They scrutinise the very concepts of democracy, elections and autocracy to expose their flaws which can be manipulated to advantage.The book includes chapters discussing the roots of authoritarianism in Turkey; the political economy of elections; the relationship between the political Islamic groups and the government; Turkish foreign policy; non-Muslim communities' attitudes towards the AKP; and Kurdish citizens' voting patterns. As well as following Turkey's political trajectory, this book contextualises Turkey in the wider literature on electoral and competitive authoritarianisms and explores the country's future options.

The `refugee crisis' and the recent rise of anti-immigration parties across Europe has prompted widespread debates about migration, integration and security on the continent. But the perspectives and experiences of immigrants in northern and western Europe have equal political significance for contemporary European societies. While Turkish migration to Europe has been a vital area of research, little scholarly attention has been paid to Turkish migration to specifically Sweden, which has a mix of religious and ethnic groups from Turkey and where now well over 100,000 Swedes have Turkish origins. This book examines immigration from Turkey to Sweden from its beginnings in the mid-1960s, when the recruitment of workers was needed to satisfy the expanding industrial economy. It traces the impact of Sweden's economic downturn, and the effects of the 1971 Turkish military intervention and the 1980 military coup, after which asylum seekers - mostly Assyrian Christians and Kurds - sought refuge in Sweden. Contributors explore how the patterns of labour migration and interactions with Swedish society impacted the social and political attitudes of these different communities, their sense of belonging, and diasporic activism. The book also investigates issues of integration, return migration, transnational ties, external voting and citizenship rights. Through the detailed analysis of migration to Sweden and emigration from Turkey, this book sheds new light on the situation of migrants in Europe.

This book explores the transformation and reinvention of conflict-generated diaspora groups’ politics in countries of residence. Numerous narratives link diasporas and conflicts: diasporas are seen alternatively as peace wreckers or peace makers, as products of forced migration related to conflicts, or as targets of securitization policies. “Transported conflicts” occurring within and between diasporas in their countries of residence, however, remain relatively underexplored, tend to be misunderstood, and often associated with “criminal” or “terrorist” activities.The chapters in this volume draw our attention to various interconnected temporalities explaining patterns of conflict transportation, such as the temps long of diasporic mobilisation, the here and now of what is happening in both host and home countries, and micro-temporalities and diasporans’ life trajectories. Finally, the contributions demonstrate that patterns, shapes and even occurrence of conflict transportation vary according to scale and space. Highly politicized forms of confrontation are not necessarily representative of everyday interactions between diaspora groups, which can entail discrete but tangible forms of cooperation and even solidarity. This edited volume calls for nuancing our approach to the links between diasporas and conflicts, to avoid falling into the essentialisation trap.The chapters in this book were originally published in Ethnopolitics.

This book explores the transformation and reinvention of conflict-generated diaspora groups’ politics in countries of residence. Numerous narratives link diasporas and conflicts: diasporas are seen alternatively as peace wreckers or peace makers, as products of forced migration related to conflicts, or as targets of securitization policies. “Transported conflicts” occurring within and between diasporas in their countries of residence, however, remain relatively underexplored, tend to be misunderstood, and often associated with “criminal” or “terrorist” activities.The chapters in this volume draw our attention to various interconnected temporalities explaining patterns of conflict transportation, such as the temps long of diasporic mobilisation, the here and now of what is happening in both host and home countries, and micro-temporalities and diasporans’ life trajectories. Finally, the contributions demonstrate that patterns, shapes and even occurrence of conflict transportation vary according to scale and space. Highly politicized forms of confrontation are not necessarily representative of everyday interactions between diaspora groups, which can entail discrete but tangible forms of cooperation and even solidarity. This edited volume calls for nuancing our approach to the links between diasporas and conflicts, to avoid falling into the essentialisation trap.The chapters in this book were originally published in Ethnopolitics.

The book provides a comprehensive and long-term assessment of Turkey’s evolving role in Africa at different levels ranging from political to economic, cultural and military ties. It engage with discussions surrounding Turkey’s strengths and weaknesses in its foreign policies targeting African countries.Rather than taking policy discourses for granted, the chapters in this volume unpack the overall effectiveness of Turkey’s Africa strategy on the ground. Starting with an analysis of Turkey’s role conception as a centre country, the book continues with an examination of the impact of Turkey’s embassies on trade with Africa. It also provides insights into the statements, accomplishments and the effectiveness of Turkey’s summit diplomacy with the continent, exploring the intricacies of resource control in its Africa policy beyond the conventional soft-hard power binary. The book delves into its humanitarian assistance during the Covid-19 pandemic, uncovers the maritime nexus in Turkey’s African agenda, examines its arms exports to Africa and elucidates the nature of these transactions. It offers a nuanced understanding of Turkey’s growing engagement in the continent, making it an essential read for the scholars, researchers, policy makers and anyone intrigued by the dynamic interplay between Turkey and African countries. This book will be useful for students, researchers and scholars of politics and international relations broadly, and particularly relevant for anyone interested in Turkish foreign policy and politics, African politics and Eurasian geopolitics.The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies.

The book provides a comprehensive and long-term assessment of Turkey’s evolving role in Africa at different levels ranging from political to economic, cultural and military ties. It engage with discussions surrounding Turkey’s strengths and weaknesses in its foreign policies targeting African countries.Rather than taking policy discourses for granted, the chapters in this volume unpack the overall effectiveness of Turkey’s Africa strategy on the ground. Starting with an analysis of Turkey’s role conception as a centre country, the book continues with an examination of the impact of Turkey’s embassies on trade with Africa. It also provides insights into the statements, accomplishments and the effectiveness of Turkey’s summit diplomacy with the continent, exploring the intricacies of resource control in its Africa policy beyond the conventional soft-hard power binary. The book delves into its humanitarian assistance during the Covid-19 pandemic, uncovers the maritime nexus in Turkey’s African agenda, examines its arms exports to Africa and elucidates the nature of these transactions. It offers a nuanced understanding of Turkey’s growing engagement in the continent, making it an essential read for the scholars, researchers, policy makers and anyone intrigued by the dynamic interplay between Turkey and African countries. This book will be useful for students, researchers and scholars of politics and international relations broadly, and particularly relevant for anyone interested in Turkish foreign policy and politics, African politics and Eurasian geopolitics.The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies.

This book examines Turkey's evolving diaspora policies, analysing how the state engages, controls, and mobilizes its overseas communities as tools of diplomacy and nation-building. Through an interdisciplinary lens, it highlights the political, ideological, and cultural motivations driving Turkey’s approach, particularly under the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) influence.In recent decades, Turkey’s approach to its diaspora has undergone a dramatic transformation. From viewing its emigrants as “guest workers” in the 1960s to deploying sophisticated diaspora engagement policies today, Turkey’s approach mirrors larger trends in international migration politics. This book explores Turkey's unique and complex diaspora policies, illuminating how they blend diplomatic outreach with transnational control. With insights into the history and evolution of Turkish diaspora governance, the book analyses key questions:What motivates Turkey’s outreach efforts?How have recent shifts under the President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s AKP influenced its strategies?And what role do nationalism and identity play in shaping these policies?The book brings together pioneering studies on Turkey's dynamic relationship with its emigrants, blending history, politics, and sociology to shed light on how diaspora governance has become a critical tool of statecraft. This compelling exploration is essential for understanding the impacts of state-led diaspora engagement on transnational identities and relations in a globalized world. It was originally published as a special issue of Middle East Critique.

As violent conflicts become increasingly intra-state rather than inter-state, international migration has rendered them increasingly transnational, as protagonists from each side find themselves in new countries of residence. In spite of leaving their homeland, the grievances and grudges that existed between them are not forgotten and can be passed to the next generation. This book explores the extension of homeland conflicts into transnational space amongst diaspora groups, with particular attention to the interactions between second-generation migrants. Comparative in approach, Diasporas and Homeland Conflicts focuses on the tensions that exist between Kurdish and Turkish populations in Sweden and Germany, examining the effects of hostland policies and politics on the construction, shaping or elimination of homeland conflicts. Drawing on extensive interview material with members of diasporic communities, this book sheds fresh light on the influences exercised on conflict dynamics by state policies on migrant incorporation and multiculturalism, as well as structures of migrant organizations. As such, it will be of interest to scholars of sociology, political science and international studies with interests in migration and diaspora, integration and transnational conflict.

Examines the current wave of migration from Turkey through the experiences of 21 public figures in exileFeatures interviews with 21 Turkish public figures: Barbaros Sansal; Bulent Somay; Can Dundar; Deniz (nickname); Engin Sustam; Eser Karakas; Fatih Vural; Faysal Sariyildiz; Gokhan Bacik; Guliz Vural; Hasip Kaplan; Hayko Bagdat; Jinda Zekioglu; Meltem Arikan; Mine Gencel Bek; Murat Ozbank; Nazan Ustundag; Nil Mutluer; Ragip Durhan; Sehbal Senyurt Arinli; Yavuz BaydarExplores the political reality on the ground in Turkey; the political, social and economic impacts of authoritarianism; the meaning of exile; transnational repression mechanisms put in play by Turkey; and potential scenarios for reconciliation and normalisation in TurkeyThe book not only focuses on the experiences of exile but also reflects on current debates in politics and international relations regarding integration, asylum seeking experiences, statelessness, transnational repression, and mobilisationIncludes a foreword by Professor Samim Akgonul at the University of StrasbourgTurkey's authoritarian turn under the reign of Erdo?an, and the crackdown on freedom of speech and assembly, has caused many Turks either voluntarily or involuntarily to flee the country. Featuring interviews with former politicians, artists, journalists, academics and activists, this book gives a voice to those in exile. By presenting their own stories in their own words, we learn how individuals cope with the realities of separation from their homeland, how they have managed to build new lives abroad and the prospect of return to Turkey. Both heart-breaking and informative, this book provides a snapshot of a new layer of intellectual diaspora in the making.

Examines the current wave of migration from Turkey through the experiences of 21 public figures in exileFeatures interviews with 21 Turkish public figures: Barbaros Sansal; Bulent Somay; Can Dundar; Deniz (nickname); Engin Sustam; Eser Karakas; Fatih Vural; Faysal Sariyildiz; Gokhan Bacik; Guliz Vural; Hasip Kaplan; Hayko Bagdat; Jinda Zekioglu; Meltem Arikan; Mine Gencel Bek; Murat Ozbank; Nazan Ustundag; Nil Mutluer; Ragip Durhan; Sehbal Senyurt Arinli; Yavuz BaydarExplores the political reality on the ground in Turkey; the political, social and economic impacts of authoritarianism; the meaning of exile; transnational repression mechanisms put in play by Turkey; and potential scenarios for reconciliation and normalisation in TurkeyThe book not only focuses on the experiences of exile but also reflects on current debates in politics and international relations regarding integration, asylum seeking experiences, statelessness, transnational repression, and mobilisationIncludes a foreword by Professor Samim Akgonul at the University of StrasbourgTurkey's authoritarian turn under the reign of Erdo?an, and the crackdown on freedom of speech and assembly, has caused many Turks either voluntarily or involuntarily to flee the country. Featuring interviews with former politicians, artists, journalists, academics and activists, this book gives a voice to those in exile. By presenting their own stories in their own words, we learn how individuals cope with the realities of separation from their homeland, how they have managed to build new lives abroad and the prospect of return to Turkey. Both heart-breaking and informative, this book provides a snapshot of a new layer of intellectual diaspora in the making.

As violent conflicts become increasingly intra-state rather than inter-state, international migration has rendered them increasingly transnational, as protagonists from each side find themselves in new countries of residence. In spite of leaving their homeland, the grievances and grudges that existed between them are not forgotten and can be passed to the next generation. This book explores the extension of homeland conflicts into transnational space amongst diaspora groups, with particular attention to the interactions between second-generation migrants. Comparative in approach, Diasporas and Homeland Conflicts focuses on the tensions that exist between Kurdish and Turkish populations in Sweden and Germany, examining the effects of hostland policies and politics on the construction, shaping or elimination of homeland conflicts. Drawing on extensive interview material with members of diasporic communities, this book sheds fresh light on the influences exercised on conflict dynamics by state policies on migrant incorporation and multiculturalism, as well as structures of migrant organizations. As such, it will be of interest to scholars of sociology, political science and international studies with interests in migration and diaspora, integration and transnational conflict.

The discussions on Kurds of Turkey mostly refer to them as if they are one homogeneous group, with different forms of being Kurdish mostly overlooked. Yet, Kurds have been scattered all across Turkey; they differ in terms of the language they speak; they have also been subject to different policies of the Turkish state in different periods. How can we take these factors into account when discussing Kurdishness in Turkey? That is, in which ways does a Kurd living in a small city in Southeast Turkey differ from a Kurd living in Istanbul? How does being a native Kurdish speaker play a role in forming Kurdishness? What about different state rhetoric in different periods? By focusing on these three main questions, this book offers a detailed account on the diversity of experiences of Kurdishness. Based on her fieldwork in five different field sites in Turkey, Dr. Sengül illustrates, through narratives of her respondents, how Kurdishness is exhibited in different, personalised, and customised forms across different contexts in Turkey. Each substantive chapter in the book analyses a different element that plays a role in constructing these different forms of Kurdishness: state rhetoric, localities, and the language use. By arguing that there is not one single way of exhibiting Kurdishness, this book challenges any standard definitions of Kurdishness, and defines it as the daily (re-)negotiation of state rhetoric and everyday practices individuals experience.

This edited volume presents thirteen contributions that reflect upon the practical, ethical, theoretical and methodological challenges that researchers face when conducting fieldwork in settings that are characterized with deteriorating security situations, increasing state control and conflicting inter-ethnic relations. More precisely, they shed light to the intricacies of conducting fieldwork on highly politicized and sensitive topics in the region of Kurdistan in Iraq, Syria and Turkey as well as among Kurdish diaspora members in Europe.This volume is multidisciplinary in its focus and approach. It includes contributions from scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds, ranging from sociology and political science to social psychology and anthropology. The complexity of security situations, and the atmospheres of distrust and suspicion have led the contributors to be creative and to adapt their research methods in ways that at times transcend disciplinary boundaries and conventions. Relatedly, the contributions also open the often-considered Pandora’s box of discussing the failures in what is often a “messy” research field, and how to adopt one’s methods to rapidly changing political circumstances. This necessitates greater reflexivity in existing power relations of the surrounding context and how those affect not only the interaction situations between the researcher and the participants, but also raise questions for the overall research process, concerning namely social justice, representation and knowledge production. The contributions unravel this by unpacking positionalities beyond ethnicities, discussing how gendered and other positionalities are constructed in fieldwork interactions and by illustrating how the surrounding structures of power and dominance are present in every-day fieldwork. What differentiates this book from the existing literature is that it is the first academic endeavor that solely focuses on methodological reflections aimed to the field of Kurdish Studies. It offers a comprehensive and multidisciplinary account of scholars’ fieldwork experiences in the Kurdish regions and as such, it is also of value to scholars conducting or about to conduct fieldwork in conflict regions elsewhere.

This edited volume presents thirteen contributions that reflect upon the practical, ethical, theoretical and methodological challenges that researchers face when conducting fieldwork in settings that are characterized with deteriorating security situations, increasing state control and conflicting inter-ethnic relations. More precisely, they shed light to the intricacies of conducting fieldwork on highly politicized and sensitive topics in the region of Kurdistan in Iraq, Syria and Turkey as well as among Kurdish diaspora members in Europe.This volume is multidisciplinary in its focus and approach. It includes contributions from scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds, ranging from sociology and political science to social psychology and anthropology. The complexity of security situations, and the atmospheres of distrust and suspicion have led the contributors to be creative and to adapt their research methods in ways that at times transcend disciplinary boundaries and conventions. Relatedly, the contributions also open the often-considered Pandora’s box of discussing the failures in what is often a “messy” research field, and how to adopt one’s methods to rapidly changing political circumstances. This necessitates greater reflexivity in existing power relations of the surrounding context and how those affect not only the interaction situations between the researcher and the participants, but also raise questions for the overall research process, concerning namely social justice, representation and knowledge production. The contributions unravel this by unpacking positionalities beyond ethnicities, discussing how gendered and other positionalities are constructed in fieldwork interactions and by illustrating how the surrounding structures of power and dominance are present in every-day fieldwork. What differentiates this book from the existing literature is that it is the first academic endeavor that solely focuses on methodological reflections aimed to the field of Kurdish Studies. It offers a comprehensive and multidisciplinary account of scholars’ fieldwork experiences in the Kurdish regions and as such, it is also of value to scholars conducting or about to conduct fieldwork in conflict regions elsewhere.

Shâmaran: The Neolithic Eternal Mother, Love and the Kurds covers one of the earliest ancient figures of Mother Earth, Shâmaran, of the Zagros Mountains, which is at the crossroads of Iran, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia, and has historically been a melting pot of diverse groups, contributing to the formation of the Kurdish nation. This unique convergence has played a pivotal role in shaping the rich history, culture, language, and the very essence of their homeland, Kurdistan.Shâmaran is the significant religiocultural symbol, serving as a poignant embodiment of this heritage. The book meticulously documents, deconstructs and interprets Shâmaran's myth and her Neolithic image, recognizing their profound significance as manifestations of the Mother Earth Goddess.The study details the philosophy and symbolism of her faith, deciphers the content in the region within the existing pre-Islamic Kurdish religions namely Alevism, Yarsanism, and Êzidism and Kurdish culture as a whole.

Shâmaran: The Neolithic Eternal Mother, Love and the Kurds covers one of the earliest ancient figures of Mother Earth, Shâmaran, of the Zagros Mountains, which is at the crossroads of Iran, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia, and has historically been a melting pot of diverse groups, contributing to the formation of the Kurdish nation. This unique convergence has played a pivotal role in shaping the rich history, culture, language, and the very essence of their homeland, Kurdistan.Shâmaran is the significant religiocultural symbol, serving as a poignant embodiment of this heritage. The book meticulously documents, deconstructs and interprets Shâmaran's myth and her Neolithic image, recognizing their profound significance as manifestations of the Mother Earth Goddess.The study details the philosophy and symbolism of her faith, deciphers the content in the region within the existing pre-Islamic Kurdish religions namely Alevism, Yarsanism, and Êzidism and Kurdish culture as a whole.

Social Media and Democratization in Iraqi Kurdistan assesses the implications of social media usage for democratization in the context of Iraqi Kurdistan. A considerable number of studies examine the impact of social media on the practice of democracy in liberal democratic contexts and on the democratization process in nondemocratic contexts. However, little is known about the rise and implications of using the Internet and social media platforms for democratization processes in a hybrid political system, like that of Iraqi Kurdistan, which combines elements of both democracy and authoritarianism. The author investigates the use of social media platforms by citizens, politicians, electoral candidates, and political parties, and its significance for political participation and political communication, which are selected as important elements of democratization. Based on original qualitative research, including interviews with activists, politicians, and party leaders, and an analysis of relevant social media content in the Kurdish language, especially on the social media platform, Facebook, the author argues that rather than the increase in online political participation and political communication contributing to the consolidation of democracy in the Kurdish nascent democracy, it is increasing political polarization, exacerbating incivility of political discourse and enabling monitoring of opposition forces by the authorities.

The Everyday Violence of Forced Displacement: Memory, Community and Identity Politics among Internally Displaced Kurds in Turkey is based on ethnographic research in four Istanbul neighborhoods in the early 2000s and after. Miriam Geerse focuses on individuals and families that tried to sustain meaningful lives in an urban context marked by political and structural violence. Geerse argues that forces, other than war and forced displacement, instilled in many forced migrants a pressing need and desire to keep hammering home the price and pain of displacement. Much of this book then bears witness to the formation of an oppositionalconsciousness. Geerse’s analysis of the mobilization of social capital in times of illness and social conflict offers an understanding of how a dispersed community of people who share the same stories function in an inhospitable urban environment. In laying bare the interconnections between experiences before, during and after forced displacement, and by focusing on people’s narratives and their experiences, Geerse provides insight to activists striving to improve the position of Kurds, to academics studying the impact of forced migration and other forms of political violence on civilians, and to all those who argue for a more balanced view of the recent history of Turkey.

A Critical Evaluation of “Territorial Separation” as a Method of Addressing Ethnic Conflicts focuses on the reasons that have contributed to ethnic conflicts in Kirkuk. In the book, Ako S. Jalal addresses geographic, economic, political, and social factors., He argues in the outcome of the research that the previous applied methods like power sharing and Constitution rewriting could not address ethnic conflicts effectively. Finally, Jalal proves through the research hypothesis that the basic method to address ethnic conflicts in Kirkuk is territorial separation.

The combination of the war in Syria and the rise of ISIS has increased the role of non-state actors in the Middle East politics. This is of particular concern for Turkey, on account of its long-standing concerns regarding Kurdish nationalism, particularly after the Syrian war, which provides Kurds with a significant role in regional security affairs. This book aims to examine the regional impacts of the Turkish government’s Zero Policy with Neighbors (ZPN) in respect to Iraqi Kurdistan. This has been achieved through an analysis of the impact on the ZPN policy of the following non-state actors between 2011 and 2016: The Syrian Kurdish group represented by the Democratic Union Party (PYD), ISIS, and the Kurdistan Workers party (PKK).

Dersim is a region within Turkey that has deep meaning for Alevis, Armenians, Kurds, and Zazas. Even the Hittites seemed to have had difficulty governing this mountainous region where today Turkish military drones target suspicious activity. Dersim as an Internal Colony: The Turkish Civilizing Mission (1927-1952) explores how the region had a deep history of autonomy and autarky that was challenged and then crushed by the forces of union and progress trying to keep together and perhaps give rebirth to a dying empire. It focuses on what happened after the Tertele of 1938, also known as the day on which the world ended, and what, was this so-called “Turkish civilizing mission” in action during the First Internal Colonial Period (1927-1952). Did the state in fact bring civilization to this region’s people that it had just terrorized? What were the achievements of this Turkish civilization in this historically independent land of high mountains, torrential rivers, oak forests, and goats? This book aims to answer these questions with a critical reading of reports written by the then representative of Tunceli in the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye.

The Discourse About Kurdishness and Indigeneity: Kurdish Political Movement in Turkey presents a comprehensive analysis of the self-identified Kurdish identity within the Kurdish political movement in Turkey, adopting an indigenous perspective. The analysis is mainly focused on the parliamentary politics of three distinct periods in Turkey, including the inception of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), the emergence of other pro-Kurdish political parties since the 1990s, and the parliamentary politics through the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP). In addition to the central perspective of indigeneity, the theoretical framework of the book, including internal colonialism and Orientalism within Orient perspectives, is also employed to critically investigate the relationship of post-colonial nation-states with multi-ethnic societies in the case of Turkey and the Kurdish struggle. The research consists of a mixed methods approach to explore the discourse on Kurdishness by analysing party programs, statements, and semi-structured interviews. The book utilises the Discourse-Historical Approach to analyse data and provide an interpretation of the concept of indigeneity within the discourse on Kurdishness. It sheds new light on the Kurdish political movement and other indigenous peoples in Mesopotamia, who were rendered invisible after the First World War due to the emerging political discourse in the Middle East.

Forms of Melancholy in Modern Kurdish Novels presents a critical literary analysis of narrative forms used in Kurdish novels that articulate loss, mourning, and melancholia. Based on a range of perspectives on questions of loss, mourning, and melancholia, this study elucidates how melancholy is appropriated as a multi-functional literary device by Kurdish novelists to articulate a broad spectrum of subjectivities often mediated by political and socio-cultural reality. Adapting an interdisciplinary approach, Ahmet Atas situates Kurdish melancholy narratives within broader scholarly discussions on loss and melancholia. Atas demonstrates how melancholy is utilized as an effective artistic device by Kurdish writers to stage not only the grief of an oppressed nation, but its political and cultural resistances. Providing an original case study, this book illuminates how melancholy literature acquires unique political and cultural functions, missions, and meanings in contrasting colonial and postcolonial settings.

President Erdogan's victory in the April 2017 referendum granted him sweeping new powers across Turkey. The constitutional reforms transform the country from a parliamentary democracy into a "Turkish style" presidential republic. Despite being democratically elected, Turkey's ruling AKP party has moved towards increasingly authoritarian measures. During the coup attempt in July 2016, the AKP government declared a state of emergency which Erdogan saw as an opportunity to purge the public sector of pro-Gulenist individuals and criminalise opposition groups including Kurds, Alevites, leftists and liberals. The country experienced political turmoil and rapid transformation as a result. This book identifies the process of democratic reversal in Turkey. In particular, contributors explore the various ways that a democratically elected political party has used elections to implement authoritarian measures. They scrutinise the very concepts of democracy, elections and autocracy to expose their flaws which can be manipulated to advantage.The book includes chapters discussing the roots of authoritarianism in Turkey; the political economy of elections; the relationship between the political Islamic groups and the government; Turkish foreign policy; non-Muslim communities' attitudes towards the AKP; and Kurdish citizens' voting patterns. As well as following Turkey's political trajectory, this book contextualises Turkey in the wider literature on electoral and competitive authoritarianisms and explores the country's future options.

The `refugee crisis' and the recent rise of anti-immigration parties across Europe has prompted widespread debates about migration, integration and security on the continent. But the perspectives and experiences of immigrants in northern and western Europe have equal political significance for contemporary European societies. While Turkish migration to Europe has been a vital area of research, little scholarly attention has been paid to Turkish migration to specifically Sweden, which has a mix of religious and ethnic groups from Turkey and where now well over 100,000 Swedes have Turkish origins. This book examines immigration from Turkey to Sweden from its beginnings in the mid-1960s, when the recruitment of workers was needed to satisfy the expanding industrial economy. It traces the impact of Sweden's economic downturn, and the effects of the 1971 Turkish military intervention and the 1980 military coup, after which asylum seekers - mostly Assyrian Christians and Kurds - sought refuge in Sweden. Contributors explore how the patterns of labour migration and interactions with Swedish society impacted the social and political attitudes of these different communities, their sense of belonging, and diasporic activism. The book also investigates issues of integration, return migration, transnational ties, external voting and citizenship rights. Through the detailed analysis of migration to Sweden and emigration from Turkey, this book sheds new light on the situation of migrants in Europe.

The Kurdish Model of Political Community: A Vision of National Liberation Defiant of the Nation-State undertakes a task long due in Kurdish studies: addressing common misunderstandings about and outlining theoretical implications of Kurdish politics. Hanifi Baris develops his arguments with an historical examination and finds apathy towards and a resistance to state-building in Kurdistan. Accordingly, Baris argues, this tendency to establish self-government with distaste to state-building has enabled major Kurdish movements in Turkey and Syria to develop a form of political community that constitutes a viable alternative to those based on theocratic, imperial and national sovereignty. Thus, Baris concludes, rather than being a conflict between competing nationalisms, the current Kurdish conflict in Turkey and Syria is between competing visions of political community.

Media and Politics in Kurdistan studies the relationship between the media and politics in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). KRI is approached as a case study, as an example of the struggle between authoritarian and democratization efforts at the same time. The book contributes towards understanding the dynamics of the media systems in the KRI and attempts to participate in the theoretical discussion of media and politics in this region. The research outcomes show which parts of the press, how many of them and for what length of time the press in the KRI has been owned/controlled by political parties. This book also studies the system of political parties and particularly as related to the press.

A major common misconception in scholarship on Kurdish journalistic discourses is that Kurdish intellectuals of the late Ottoman period cannot be portrayed as Kurdish nationalists. This theory prevails because of the belief that they not only endorsed and promoted Pan-Islamism and Ottoman nationalism instead of Kurdish ethnic nationalism, but also because they allegedly eschewed political demands and instead concerned themselves with ethno-cultural issues to articulate forms of “Kurdism” rather than “Kurdish nationalism.” Refuting this underlying misconstruction of the nexus between Pan-Islamism, Ottomanism, and Kurdish nationalism, this book argues, based on empirical findings, that the Kurdish periodicals of the late Ottoman period served as a communicative space in which Kurdish intellectuals negotiated and disseminated an unmistakable form of Kurdish nationalism. It claims that hegemonic Ottomanist and Pan-Islamist political thought were used in pragmatic ways in the service of burgeoning Kurdish nationalism, but were rejected altogether when they were no longer useful to fostering Kurdish nationalism.

A major common misconception in scholarship on Kurdish journalistic discourses is that Kurdish intellectuals of the late Ottoman period cannot be portrayed as Kurdish nationalists. This theory prevails because of the belief that they not only endorsed and promoted Pan-Islamism and Ottoman nationalism instead of Kurdish ethnic nationalism, but also because they allegedly eschewed political demands and instead concerned themselves with ethno-cultural issues to articulate forms of “Kurdism” rather than “Kurdish nationalism.” Refuting this underlying misconstruction of the nexus between Pan-Islamism, Ottomanism, and Kurdish nationalism, this book argues, based on empirical findings, that the Kurdish periodicals of the late Ottoman period served as a communicative space in which Kurdish intellectuals negotiated and disseminated an unmistakable form of Kurdish nationalism. It claims that hegemonic Ottomanist and Pan-Islamist political thought were used in pragmatic ways in the service of burgeoning Kurdish nationalism, but were rejected altogether when they were no longer useful to fostering Kurdish nationalism.