David Everatt – författare

When Nelson Mandela was elected President of South Africa in 1994, the world looked on at the ‘miracle’ of racial reconciliation that unfolded in South Africa. However, the dream of a ‘Rainbow Nation’ (in Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s phrase) seems to be fading, and racial identities seem to be more entrenched than ever. What prospects then for the ‘non-racial democracy’ envisioned by Mandela and the South African Constitution?This book examines the status and future prospects of non-racialism. It discusses the nature of non-racialism and applies the concept to wider national issues and to questions of identity. The book looks out into South Africa's future and assesses generational changes to the country's handling of non-racialism. This latter point is the main theme in the opening preface by Ahmed Kathrada, jailed with Nelson Mandela, who reminds the reader that there is no easy answer: non-racialism is built every day, every minute, by people who seek to transform social relations and allow the ‘Rainbow Nation’ to flourish.This book was published as a special issue of Politikon.

When Nelson Mandela was elected President of South Africa in 1994, the world looked on at themiracle of racial reconciliation that unfolded in South Africa. However, the dream of aRainbow Nation (in Archbishop Desmond Tutu‘s phrase) seems to be fading, and racial identities seem to be more entrenched than ever. What prospects then for thenon-racial democracy envisioned by Mandela and the South African Constitution?This book examines the status and future prospects of non-racialism. It discusses the nature of non-racialism and applies the concept to wider national issues and to questions of identity. The book looks out into South Africa''s future and assesses generational changes to the country''s handling of non-racialism. This latter point is the main theme in the opening preface by Ahmed Kathrada, jailed with Nelson Mandela, who reminds the reader that there is no easy answer: non-racialism is built every day, every minute, by people who seek to transform social relations and allow theRainbow Nation to flourish.This book was published as a special issue of Politikon.

When Nelson Mandela was elected President of South Africa in 1994, the world looked on at themiracle of racial reconciliation that unfolded in South Africa. However, the dream of aRainbow Nation (in Archbishop Desmond Tutu‘s phrase) seems to be fading, and racial identities seem to be more entrenched than ever. What prospects then for thenon-racial democracy envisioned by Mandela and the South African Constitution?This book examines the status and future prospects of non-racialism. It discusses the nature of non-racialism and applies the concept to wider national issues and to questions of identity. The book looks out into South Africa''s future and assesses generational changes to the country''s handling of non-racialism. This latter point is the main theme in the opening preface by Ahmed Kathrada, jailed with Nelson Mandela, who reminds the reader that there is no easy answer: non-racialism is built every day, every minute, by people who seek to transform social relations and allow theRainbow Nation to flourish.This book was published as a special issue of Politikon.

Civil society, NGOs, governments, and multilateral institutions all repeatedly call for improved or 'good' governance – yet they seem to speak past one another. Governance is in danger of losing all meaning precisely because it means many things to different people in varied locationsThis is especially true in sub-Saharan Africa. Here, the postcolony takes many forms, reflecting the imperial project with painful accuracy. Offering a set of multidisciplinary analyses of governance in different sectors (crisis management, water, food security, universities), in different locales across sub-Saharan Africa, and from different theoretical approaches (network to adversarial network governance); this volume makes a useful addition to the growing debates on 'how to govern'. It steers away from offering a 'correct' definition of governance, or from promoting a particular position on postcoloniality. It gives no neat conclusion, but invites readers to draw their own conclusions based on these differing approaches to and analyses of governance in the postcolony.As a robust, critical assessment of power and accountability in the sub-Saharan context, Governance and the Postcolony: Views from Africa brings together topical case studies that will be a valuable resource for those working in the field of African international relations, public policy, public management and administration.

Civil society, NGOs, governments, and multilateral institutions all repeatedly call for improved or ‘good’ governance – yet they seem to speak past one another. Governance is in danger of losing all meaning precisely because it means many things to different people in varied locations. This is especially true in sub-Saharan Africa. Here, the postcolony takes many forms, reflecting the imperial project with painful accuracy. Offering a set of multidisciplinary analyses of governance in different sectors (crisis management, water, food security, universities), in different locales (including the African Union and specific regional contexts from West Africa, Zambia, to South Africa), and from different theoretical approaches (network to adversarial network governance, and beyond), this volume makes a useful addition to the growing debates on ‘how to govern’. It steers away from offering a ‘correct’ definition of governance, or from promoting a particular position on postcoloniality. It gives no conclusion that neatly sums up all the arguments advanced. Instead, readers are invited to draw their own conclusions based on these differing approaches to and analyses of governance in the postcolony. As a robust, critical assessment of power and accountability in the sub-Saharan context, this collection brings together topical case studies that will be a valuable resource for those working in the field of African international relations, public policy, public management and administration.

Civil society, NGOs, governments, and multilateral institutions all repeatedly call for improved or ‘good’ governance – yet they seem to speak past one another. Governance is in danger of losing all meaning precisely because it means many things to different people in varied locations. This is especially true in sub-Saharan Africa. Here, the postcolony takes many forms, reflecting the imperial project with painful accuracy. Offering a set of multidisciplinary analyses of governance in different sectors (crisis management, water, food security, universities), in different locales (including the African Union and specific regional contexts from West Africa, Zambia, to South Africa), and from different theoretical approaches (network to adversarial network governance, and beyond), this volume makes a useful addition to the growing debates on ‘how to govern’. It steers away from offering a ‘correct’ definition of governance, or from promoting a particular position on postcoloniality. It gives no conclusion that neatly sums up all the arguments advanced. Instead, readers are invited to draw their own conclusions based on these differing approaches to and analyses of governance in the postcolony. As a robust, critical assessment of power and accountability in the sub-Saharan context, this collection brings together topical case studies that will be a valuable resource for those working in the field of African international relations, public policy, public management and administration.

Civil society, NGOs, governments, and multilateral institutions all repeatedly call for improved or 'good' governance – yet they seem to speak past one another. Governance is in danger of losing all meaning precisely because it means many things to different people in varied locationsThis is especially true in sub-Saharan Africa. Here, the postcolony takes many forms, reflecting the imperial project with painful accuracy. Offering a set of multidisciplinary analyses of governance in different sectors (crisis management, water, food security, universities), in different locales across sub-Saharan Africa, and from different theoretical approaches (network to adversarial network governance); this volume makes a useful addition to the growing debates on 'how to govern'. It steers away from offering a 'correct' definition of governance, or from promoting a particular position on postcoloniality. It gives no neat conclusion, but invites readers to draw their own conclusions based on these differing approaches to and analyses of governance in the postcolony.As a robust, critical assessment of power and accountability in the sub-Saharan context, Governance and the Postcolony: Views from Africa brings together topical case studies that will be a valuable resource for those working in the field of African international relations, public policy, public management and administration.

How did South Africa embrace "non-racialism"?After centuries of white domination and decades of increasingly savage repression, freedom came to South Africa far later than elsewhere in the continent - and yet was marked by a commitment to non-racialism. Nelson Mandela's Cabinet and government were made up of women and men of all races, and many spoke of the birth of a new 'Rainbow Nation'. How did this come about? How did an African nationalist liberation movement resisting apartheid - a universally denounced violent expression of white supremacy - open its doors to other races, and whites in particular? And what did non-racialism mean? This is the real 'miracle' of South Africa: that at the height of white supremacy and repression, black and white democrats - in their different organisations, coming from vastly different backgrounds and traditions - agreed on one thing: that the future for South Africa would be non-racial.

After centuries of white domination and decades of increasingly savage repression, freedom came to South Africa far later than elsewhere in the continent – and yet was marked by a commitment to non-racialism. Nelson Mandela’s Cabinet and government were made up of women and men of all races, and many spoke of the birth of a new “Rainbow Nation”. How did this come about? How did an African nationalist liberation movement resisting apartheid – a universally denounced violent expression of white supremacy – open its doors to other races, and whites in particular? And what did non-racialism mean? This is the real “miracle” of South Africa: that at the height of white supremacy and repression, black and white democrats – in their different organisations, coming from vastly different backgrounds and traditions – agreed on one thing: that the future for South Africa would be non-racial.

After centuries of white domination and decades of increasingly savage repression, freedom came to South Africa far later than elsewhere in the continent – and yet was marked by a commitment to non-racialism. Nelson Mandela’s Cabinet and government were made up of women and men of all races, and many spoke of the birth of a new “Rainbow Nation”. How did this come about? How did an African nationalist liberation movement resisting apartheid – a universally denounced violent expression of white supremacy – open its doors to other races, and whites in particular? And what did non-racialism mean? This is the real “miracle” of South Africa: that at the height of white supremacy and repression, black and white democrats – in their different organisations, coming from vastly different backgrounds and traditions – agreed on one thing: that the future for South Africa would be non-racial.

#FeesMustFall, the student revolt that began in October 2015, was an uprising against lack of access to, and financial exclusion from, higher education in South Africa. More broadly, it radically questioned the socio-political dispensation resulting from the 1994 social pact between big business, the ruling elite and the liberation movement. The 2015 revolt links to national and international youth struggles of the recent past and is informed by black consciousness politics and social movements of the international left. Yet, its objectives are more complex than those of earlier struggles. The student movement has challenged the hierarchical, top-down leadership system of university management and it’s ‘double speak’ of professing to act in workers’ and students’ interests yet entrenching a regressive system for control and governance. University managements, while on one level amenable to change, have also co-opted students into their ranks to create co-responsibility for the highly bureaucratised university financial aid that stands in the way of their social revolution. This book maps the contours of student discontent a year after the start of the #FeesMustFall revolt. Student voices dissect colonialism, improper compromises by the founders of democratic South Africa, feminism, worker rights and meaningful education. In-depth assessments by prominent scholars reflect on the complexities of student activism, its impact on national and university governance, and offer provocative analyses of the power of the revolt.

#FeesMustFall, the student revolt that began in October 2015, was an uprising against lack of access to, and financial exclusion from, higher education in South Africa. More broadly, it radically questioned the socio-political dispensation resulting from the 1994 social pact between big business, the ruling elite and the liberation movement. The 2015 revolt links to national and international youth struggles of the recent past and is informed by black consciousness politics and social movements of the international left. Yet, its objectives are more complex than those of earlier struggles. The student movement has challenged the hierarchical, top-down leadership system of university management and it’s ‘double speak’ of professing to act in workers’ and students’ interests yet entrenching a regressive system for control and governance. University managements, while on one level amenable to change, have also co-opted students into their ranks to create co-responsibility for the highly bureaucratised university financial aid that stands in the way of their social revolution. This book maps the contours of student discontent a year after the start of the #FeesMustFall revolt. Student voices dissect colonialism, improper compromises by the founders of democratic South Africa, feminism, worker rights and meaningful education. In-depth assessments by prominent scholars reflect on the complexities of student activism, its impact on national and university governance, and offer provocative analyses of the power of the revolt.

This open access book is the first of its kind that examines the urban development trajectory, sustainability, and urban policies' role across seven different countries in Asia and Africa. It offers theoretical and policy contributions emerging from a rigorous analysis of conditions on the ground in each city, combined with a critical engagement with urban policy in the respective city/country. It examines key developments in national urban policy over the years and maps emerging urbanization trends, social cohesion and social inclusion, including public health and neighbourhood planning, particularly in light of the 2015 UN Sustainable Development Goals. It is an essential reading for graduate and post-graduate level students interested in urban studies, public policy, and urban planning.

This open access book provides recent trends of urbanization and inequality in Africa and Asia. It addresses the inequality challenges of urbanization and large-scale rural-to-urban migration. It answers questions around socio-economic and spatial inequalities and how serious those are in cities in Africa and Asia under 21st-century urbanization. Chapters demonstrate how the old neighborhood division in cities based on race, ethnicity, religion, apartheid, tribes, caste and migrant are replaced by social class through sorting in the housing market. The analyses go beyond the normal income inequality consideration and take a broader perspective on inequality by considering these issues at the neighborhood level to reveal the new spatial divisions in cities. As such, it is essential reading for academics and students in urban studies, sociology, geography, planning, and policymakers working on urban development around the world.