Gunter Bischof – författare

In American history the 1950s are remembered as an affluent and harmonious decade. Not so in Austria. That nation emerged out of World War II with tremendous war-related destruction and with a four-power occupation that would last for ten years until 1955. Massive American economic aid enabled the Austrian economy to start recovering in the 1950s and reorient it from East to West. Unlike the United States, however, general affluence did not set in until the 1960s and 1970s even though Austria''s dramatic baby boom enabled it to recover from the demographic catastrophe resulting from manpower losses of World War II., This volume deals with these larger trends. Stephen E. Ambrose discusses American-European relations and sets the larger international context for the Austrian scene. Oilver Rathkolb retraces the changing importance of the Austrian question for the Eisenhower administration. Michael Gehler presents an in-depth analysis of the intriguing question of whether Austria''s unification at the price of permanent neutrality might have been a model for Germany. Franz Mathis and Kurt Tweraser look at economic reconstruction and the roles played by both the Austrian public industrial sector and the American Marshall Plan. Karin Schmidlechner looks at the youth culture of the era. Franz Adlgasser shows how Herbert Hoover''s food aid was instrumental in the containment of communism in Hungary. Beth Noveck analyzes Austrian political culture of the First Republic from the perspective of Hugo Bettauer. Rolf Steininger presents an insightful historical overview of how the Austro-Italian South Tyrol conflict was resolved after seventy-five years of tension.

Corporatism was unpopular in the Europe of the past decade. During a time of neo-conservative resurgence in both the United States and the United Kingdom, macroeconomic steering and statist centralism and regulation were in disfavor. However, Austria''s unique Sozialpartnerschaft, its famed system of tripartite informal and formal labor, business, and state cooperation, continued to prosper In spite of such powerful Anglo-American trends. Austro-Corporatism is the fourth volume in the interdisciplinary Contemporary Austrian Studies series. This effort in particular reflects the uniqueness of Austrian corporatism, and looks at its deep historical roots from a comparative continental European perspective.The contributors Include specialists on Austria from all parts of the world, making this a truly international effort. Andrei Markovits provides the larger European context for this analysis of Austrian corporatism. Emmerich Talos and Bernhard Kittel review the historical development of Austrian corporatism, going back to its nineteenth-century roots. Randall Kindley studies the Institutional framework of Austrian corporatism, particularly its post-World War II reincarnation. Hans Seidel looks at the subject from a neo-Keynesian economic perspective, and Ferdinand Karlhofer at the chances of Its survival in a changing international environment.Jonathan Petropoulos presents a fascinating biographical study of Nazi art plunderer Kajetan Muhlmann, and David McIntosh compares Eisenhower''s policy vis-a-vis the small friendly countries of Lebanon, Costa Rica, and Austria. A special forum looks at the model character and appeal of tripartite Austrian cooperation among its new eastern democratic neighbors: the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Slovenia. A number of reviews of Austrian politics in 1994 complete the volume. Austro-Corporattsm will be of intense interest to foreign policy analysts, historians, and scholars concerned with the unique elements in Central European politics.

In American history the 1950s are remembered as an affluent and harmonious decade. Not so in Austria. That nation emerged out of World War II with tremendous war-related destruction and with a four-power occupation that would last for ten years until 1955. Massive American economic aid enabled the Austrian economy to start recovering in the 1950s and reorient it from East to West. Unlike the United States, however, general affluence did not set in until the 1960s and 1970s even though Austria''s dramatic baby boom enabled it to recover from the demographic catastrophe resulting from manpower losses of World War II., This volume deals with these larger trends. Stephen E. Ambrose discusses American-European relations and sets the larger international context for the Austrian scene. Oilver Rathkolb retraces the changing importance of the Austrian question for the Eisenhower administration. Michael Gehler presents an in-depth analysis of the intriguing question of whether Austria''s unification at the price of permanent neutrality might have been a model for Germany. Franz Mathis and Kurt Tweraser look at economic reconstruction and the roles played by both the Austrian public industrial sector and the American Marshall Plan. Karin Schmidlechner looks at the youth culture of the era. Franz Adlgasser shows how Herbert Hoover''s food aid was instrumental in the containment of communism in Hungary. Beth Noveck analyzes Austrian political culture of the First Republic from the perspective of Hugo Bettauer. Rolf Steininger presents an insightful historical overview of how the Austro-Italian South Tyrol conflict was resolved after seventy-five years of tension.

Corporatism was unpopular in the Europe of the past decade. During a time of neo-conservative resurgence in both the United States and the United Kingdom, macroeconomic steering and statist centralism and regulation were in disfavor. However, Austria''s unique Sozialpartnerschaft, its famed system of tripartite informal and formal labor, business, and state cooperation, continued to prosper In spite of such powerful Anglo-American trends. Austro-Corporatism is the fourth volume in the interdisciplinary Contemporary Austrian Studies series. This effort in particular reflects the uniqueness of Austrian corporatism, and looks at its deep historical roots from a comparative continental European perspective.The contributors Include specialists on Austria from all parts of the world, making this a truly international effort. Andrei Markovits provides the larger European context for this analysis of Austrian corporatism. Emmerich Talos and Bernhard Kittel review the historical development of Austrian corporatism, going back to its nineteenth-century roots. Randall Kindley studies the Institutional framework of Austrian corporatism, particularly its post-World War II reincarnation. Hans Seidel looks at the subject from a neo-Keynesian economic perspective, and Ferdinand Karlhofer at the chances of Its survival in a changing international environment.Jonathan Petropoulos presents a fascinating biographical study of Nazi art plunderer Kajetan Muhlmann, and David McIntosh compares Eisenhower''s policy vis-a-vis the small friendly countries of Lebanon, Costa Rica, and Austria. A special forum looks at the model character and appeal of tripartite Austrian cooperation among its new eastern democratic neighbors: the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Slovenia. A number of reviews of Austrian politics in 1994 complete the volume. Austro-Corporattsm will be of intense interest to foreign policy analysts, historians, and scholars concerned with the unique elements in Central European politics.

When the Hapsburg monarchy disintegrated after World War I, Austria was not considered to be a viable entity. In a vacuum of national identity the hapless country drifted toward a larger Germany. After World War II, Austrian elites constructed a new identity based on being a "victim" of Nazi Germany. Cold war Austria, however, envisioned herself as a neutral "island of the blessed" between and separate from both superpower blocs. Now, with her membership in the European Union secured, Austria is reconstructing her painful historical memory and national identity. In 1996 she celebrates her 1000-year anniversary.

In this volume of Contemporary Austrian Studies, Franz Mathis and Brigitte Mazohl-Wallnig argue that regional identities in Austria have deeper historical roots than the many artificial and ineffective attempts to construct a national identity. Heidemarie Uhl, Anton Pelinka, and Brigitte Bailer discuss the post-World War II construction of the victim mythology. Robert Herzstein analyses the crucial impact of the 1986 Waldheim election imploding Austria''s comforting historical memory as a "nation of victims." Wolfram Kaiser shows Austria''s difficult adjustments to the European Union and the larger challenges of constructing a new "European identity." Chad Berry''s analysis of American World War II memory establishes a useful counterpoint to construction of historical memory in a different national context.

A special forum on Austrian intelligence studies presents a fascinating reconstruction by Timothy Naftali of the investigation by Anglo-American counterintelligence into the retreat of Hitler''s troops into the Alps during World War II. Rudiger Overmans'' "research note" presents statistics on lower death rates of Austrian soldiers in the German army. Review essays by Gunther Kronenbitter and Gunter Bischof, book reviews, and a 1995 survey of Austrian politics round out the volume. Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity will be of intense interest to foreign policy analysts, historians, and scholars concerned with the unique elements of identity and nationality in Central European politics.

When the Hapsburg monarchy disintegrated after World War I, Austria was not considered to be a viable entity. In a vacuum of national identity the hapless country drifted toward a larger Germany. After World War II, Austrian elites constructed a new identity based on being a "victim" of Nazi Germany. Cold war Austria, however, envisioned herself as a neutral "island of the blessed" between and separate from both superpower blocs. Now, with her membership in the European Union secured, Austria is reconstructing her painful historical memory and national identity. In 1996 she celebrates her 1000-year anniversary.

In this volume of Contemporary Austrian Studies, Franz Mathis and Brigitte Mazohl-Wallnig argue that regional identities in Austria have deeper historical roots than the many artificial and ineffective attempts to construct a national identity. Heidemarie Uhl, Anton Pelinka, and Brigitte Bailer discuss the post-World War II construction of the victim mythology. Robert Herzstein analyses the crucial impact of the 1986 Waldheim election imploding Austria''s comforting historical memory as a "nation of victims." Wolfram Kaiser shows Austria''s difficult adjustments to the European Union and the larger challenges of constructing a new "European identity." Chad Berry''s analysis of American World War II memory establishes a useful counterpoint to construction of historical memory in a different national context.

A special forum on Austrian intelligence studies presents a fascinating reconstruction by Timothy Naftali of the investigation by Anglo-American counterintelligence into the retreat of Hitler''s troops into the Alps during World War II. Rudiger Overmans'' "research note" presents statistics on lower death rates of Austrian soldiers in the German army. Review essays by Gunther Kronenbitter and Gunter Bischof, book reviews, and a 1995 survey of Austrian politics round out the volume. Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity will be of intense interest to foreign policy analysts, historians, and scholars concerned with the unique elements of identity and nationality in Central European politics.

The Russian Revolution excited men, and captured their imaginations. It seemed to herald the fulfillment of the nineteenth-century socialist movement. Socialists believed that with the proper use of technocracy they could scourge poverty and hunger from the earth. They felt that a social system based on equality and social justice could overcome the traditional division of each society into rich and poor. They were convinced that they could overcome social problems that, seething and bubbling beneath the surface, threatened to be as destructive as wars fought between great powers.

These were the ideals and objectives of both 1917 revolutions. They were exciting and contagious. The Russians were seen by many as being on the threshold of a new and great experiment, one which would lead the world to peace, democracy, and security-the dream of ages. Support grew quickly. A worldwide movement committed to the extension of the ideological and moral principles of the Revolution and to the defense of the Soviet Union grew and became a significant factor in world politics. It did not turn out that way.

Much of the story of this tragedy is to be found in labor struggles-the split between the Communist Party, the trade unions, and the workers. The labor movement, which had been pushing for a democratic alternative, turned against the Bolsheviks soon after 1917, and labor opposition left the Bolsheviks at the crossroads of history. The Bolsheviks had to choose between dictatorship or democracy. Under Lenin''s guidance they opted for minority dictator ship, the outcome of which was tyranny over the very people in whose name they fought. This classic volume, originally published in 1969, has not been surpassed as a description of how and why this occurred.

The Russian Revolution excited men, and captured their imaginations. It seemed to herald the fulfillment of the nineteenth-century socialist movement. Socialists believed that with the proper use of technocracy they could scourge poverty and hunger from the earth. They felt that a social system based on equality and social justice could overcome the traditional division of each society into rich and poor. They were convinced that they could overcome social problems that, seething and bubbling beneath the surface, threatened to be as destructive as wars fought between great powers.

These were the ideals and objectives of both 1917 revolutions. They were exciting and contagious. The Russians were seen by many as being on the threshold of a new and great experiment, one which would lead the world to peace, democracy, and security-the dream of ages. Support grew quickly. A worldwide movement committed to the extension of the ideological and moral principles of the Revolution and to the defense of the Soviet Union grew and became a significant factor in world politics. It did not turn out that way.

Much of the story of this tragedy is to be found in labor struggles-the split between the Communist Party, the trade unions, and the workers. The labor movement, which had been pushing for a democratic alternative, turned against the Bolsheviks soon after 1917, and labor opposition left the Bolsheviks at the crossroads of history. The Bolsheviks had to choose between dictatorship or democracy. Under Lenin''s guidance they opted for minority dictator ship, the outcome of which was tyranny over the very people in whose name they fought. This classic volume, originally published in 1969, has not been surpassed as a description of how and why this occurred.