REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: ECONOMICS AND POLICY Chapter 1 REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW Richard E. Just,* David Zilberman/ and Julian M. Alston * University of Maryland, * University of California, Berkeley, University of California, Davis Abstract: This chapter introduces the topic of this book, drawing upon the content of its chapters. An overview is provided on the economics of technological regulation as applied to agricultural crop biotechnologies. Key elements of agricultural biotechnology regulation in the United States are summarized. Key words: agricultural biotechnologies, causes and consequences of technological regula­ tion, overview and synthesis 1. INTRODUCTION Agricultural biotechnologies apply modern knowledge in molecular and cell biology to produce new varieties and similar genetic materials. The use of genetically modified (GM) crop varieties has grown dramatically since they were introduced in 1995, and large portions of the land allocated to corn, soybeans, and cotton are grown with these varieties. The evidence from the United States, Canada, China, India, Brazil, and Argentina suggests that these applications of biotechnology in agriculture increase yield, reduce the use of pesticides, and save production costs.

REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: ECONOMICS AND POLICY Chapter 1 REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW Richard E. Just,* David Zilberman/ and Julian M. Alston * University of Maryland, * University of California, Berkeley, University of California, Davis Abstract: This chapter introduces the topic of this book, drawing upon the content of its chapters. An overview is provided on the economics of technological regulation as applied to agricultural crop biotechnologies. Key elements of agricultural biotechnology regulation in the United States are summarized. Key words: agricultural biotechnologies, causes and consequences of technological regula­ tion, overview and synthesis 1. INTRODUCTION Agricultural biotechnologies apply modern knowledge in molecular and cell biology to produce new varieties and similar genetic materials. The use of genetically modified (GM) crop varieties has grown dramatically since they were introduced in 1995, and large portions of the land allocated to corn, soybeans, and cotton are grown with these varieties. The evidence from the United States, Canada, China, India, Brazil, and Argentina suggests that these applications of biotechnology in agriculture increase yield, reduce the use of pesticides, and save production costs.

Resources for agricultural science are scarce across the world. Yet even as resources are shrinking, agricultural science has expanded its inquiry into many new areas - such as environmental preservation, food quality, and rural development - without forsaking its more traditional concerns. In a time of tight government budgets, research administrators are faced with the need to provide strong evidence that costs are justified by benefits. Science under Scarcity is an invaluable guide to the theory and methods necessary for evaluating research in agriculture and for setting priorities for resource allocation. Although economists have made significant progress in developing more sophisticated methods for research evaluation and priority setting, many research analysts and administrators do not have a working knowledge of those practices. Without the assistance of formal economic analysis it is particularly difficult to assess the social value of new technologies or to make informed judgements about the trade-offs that are involved in allocation decisions. Addressing that knowledge gap, this book reviews, synthesizes, and extends such methods as economic surplus analysis, econometric techniques, mathematical programming procedures, and scoring models. It discusses these practices in the context of scientific policy, describes their conceptual foundations, and explains how to do them. Originally published in 1995 in hardcover by Cornell University Press, it is now reissued in paperback by CAB INTERNATIONAL.

This book uses an economic framework to examine the consequences of U.S. farm and food policies for obesity, its social costs, and the implications for government policy. Drawing on evidence from economics, public health, nutrition, and medicine, the authors evaluate past and potential future roles of policies such as farm subsidies, public agricultural R&D, food assistance programs, taxes on particular foods (such as sodas) or nutrients (such as fat), food labeling laws, and advertising controls. The findings are mostly negative—it is generally not economic to use farm and food policies as obesity policy—but some food policies that combine incentives and information have potential to make a worthwhile impact. This book is accessible to advanced undergraduate and graduate students across the sciences and social sciences, as well as to decision-makers in the public, private, and not-for-profit sectors. Winner of the Quality of Research Discovery Award from the Australasian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society. 

This book uses an economic framework to examine the consequences of U.S. farm and food policies for obesity, its social costs, and the implications for government policy. Drawing on evidence from economics, public health, nutrition, and medicine, the authors evaluate past and potential future roles of policies such as farm subsidies, public agricultural R&D, food assistance programs, taxes on particular foods (such as sodas) or nutrients (such as fat), food labeling laws, and advertising controls. The findings are mostly negative—it is generally not economic to use farm and food policies as obesity policy—but some food policies that combine incentives and information have potential to make a worthwhile impact. This book is accessible to advanced undergraduate and graduate students across the sciences and social sciences, as well as to decision-makers in the public, private, and not-for-profit sectors. Winner of the Quality of Research Discovery Award from the Australasian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society.

gricultural science policy in the United States has profoundly affected the growth and development of agriculture worldwide, not just in the A United States. Over the past 150 years, and especially over the second th half of the 20 Century, public investments in agricultural R&D in the United States grew faster than the value of agricultural production. Public spending on agricultural science grew similarly in other more-developed countries, and c- lectively these efforts, along with private spending, spurred agricultural prod- tivity growth in rich and poor nations alike. The value of this investment is seldom fully appreciated. The resulting p- ductivity improvements have released labor and other resources for alternative uses—in 1900, 29. 2 million Americans (39 percent of the population) were - rectly engaged in farming compared with just 2. 9 million (1. 1 percent) today— while making food and fiber more abundant and cheaper. The benefits are not confined to Americans. U. S. agricultural science has contributed with others to growth in agricultural productivity in many other countries as well as the Un- ed States. The world’s population more than doubled from around 3 billion in 1961 to 6. 54 billion in 2006 (U. S. Census Bureau 2009). Over the same period, production of important grain crops (including maize, wheat and rice) almost trebled, such that global per capita grain production was 18 percent higher in 2006.

gricultural science policy in the United States has profoundly affected the growth and development of agriculture worldwide, not just in the A United States. Over the past 150 years, and especially over the second th half of the 20 Century, public investments in agricultural R&D in the United States grew faster than the value of agricultural production. Public spending on agricultural science grew similarly in other more-developed countries, and c- lectively these efforts, along with private spending, spurred agricultural prod- tivity growth in rich and poor nations alike. The value of this investment is seldom fully appreciated. The resulting p- ductivity improvements have released labor and other resources for alternative uses—in 1900, 29. 2 million Americans (39 percent of the population) were - rectly engaged in farming compared with just 2. 9 million (1. 1 percent) today— while making food and fiber more abundant and cheaper. The benefits are not confined to Americans. U. S. agricultural science has contributed with others to growth in agricultural productivity in many other countries as well as the Un- ed States. The world’s population more than doubled from around 3 billion in 1961 to 6. 54 billion in 2006 (U. S. Census Bureau 2009). Over the same period, production of important grain crops (including maize, wheat and rice) almost trebled, such that global per capita grain production was 18 percent higher in 2006.

REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: ECONOMICS AND POLICY Chapter 1 REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW Richard E. Just,* David Zilberman/ and Julian M. Alston * University of Maryland, * University of California, Berkeley, University of California, Davis Abstract: This chapter introduces the topic of this book, drawing upon the content of its chapters. An overview is provided on the economics of technological regulation as applied to agricultural crop biotechnologies. Key elements of agricultural biotechnology regulation in the United States are summarized. Key words: agricultural biotechnologies, causes and consequences of technological regula­ tion, overview and synthesis 1. INTRODUCTION Agricultural biotechnologies apply modern knowledge in molecular and cell biology to produce new varieties and similar genetic materials. The use of genetically modified (GM) crop varieties has grown dramatically since they were introduced in 1995, and large portions of the land allocated to corn, soybeans, and cotton are grown with these varieties. The evidence from the United States, Canada, China, India, Brazil, and Argentina suggests that these applications of biotechnology in agriculture increase yield, reduce the use of pesticides, and save production costs.

gricultural science policy in the United States has profoundly affected the growth and development of agriculture worldwide, not just in the A United States. Over the past 150 years, and especially over the second th half of the 20 Century, public investments in agricultural R&D in the United States grew faster than the value of agricultural production. Public spending on agricultural science grew similarly in other more-developed countries, and c- lectively these efforts, along with private spending, spurred agricultural prod- tivity growth in rich and poor nations alike. The value of this investment is seldom fully appreciated. The resulting p- ductivity improvements have released labor and other resources for alternative uses—in 1900, 29. 2 million Americans (39 percent of the population) were - rectly engaged in farming compared with just 2. 9 million (1. 1 percent) today— while making food and fiber more abundant and cheaper. The benefits are not confined to Americans. U. S. agricultural science has contributed with others to growth in agricultural productivity in many other countries as well as the Un- ed States. The world’s population more than doubled from around 3 billion in 1961 to 6. 54 billion in 2006 (U. S. Census Bureau 2009). Over the same period, production of important grain crops (including maize, wheat and rice) almost trebled, such that global per capita grain production was 18 percent higher in 2006.

REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: ECONOMICS AND POLICY Chapter 1 REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW Richard E. Just,* David Zilberman/ and Julian M. Alston * University of Maryland, * University of California, Berkeley, University of California, Davis Abstract: This chapter introduces the topic of this book, drawing upon the content of its chapters. An overview is provided on the economics of technological regulation as applied to agricultural crop biotechnologies. Key elements of agricultural biotechnology regulation in the United States are summarized. Key words: agricultural biotechnologies, causes and consequences of technological regula­ tion, overview and synthesis 1. INTRODUCTION Agricultural biotechnologies apply modern knowledge in molecular and cell biology to produce new varieties and similar genetic materials. The use of genetically modified (GM) crop varieties has grown dramatically since they were introduced in 1995, and large portions of the land allocated to corn, soybeans, and cotton are grown with these varieties. The evidence from the United States, Canada, China, India, Brazil, and Argentina suggests that these applications of biotechnology in agriculture increase yield, reduce the use of pesticides, and save production costs.

REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: ECONOMICS AND POLICY Chapter 1 REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW Richard E. Just,* David Zilberman/ and Julian M. Alston * University of Maryland, * University of California, Berkeley, University of California, Davis Abstract: This chapter introduces the topic of this book, drawing upon the content of its chapters. An overview is provided on the economics of technological regulation as applied to agricultural crop biotechnologies. Key elements of agricultural biotechnology regulation in the United States are summarized. Key words: agricultural biotechnologies, causes and consequences of technological regula­ tion, overview and synthesis 1. INTRODUCTION Agricultural biotechnologies apply modern knowledge in molecular and cell biology to produce new varieties and similar genetic materials. The use of genetically modified (GM) crop varieties has grown dramatically since they were introduced in 1995, and large portions of the land allocated to corn, soybeans, and cotton are grown with these varieties. The evidence from the United States, Canada, China, India, Brazil, and Argentina suggests that these applications of biotechnology in agriculture increase yield, reduce the use of pesticides, and save production costs.

Resources for agricultural science are scarce across the world. Yet even as resources are shrinking, agricultural science has expanded its inquiry into many new areas - such as environmental preservation, food quality, and rural development - without forsaking its more traditional concerns. In a time of tight government budgets, research administrators are faced with the need to provide strong evidence that costs are justified by benefits. Science under Scarcity is an invaluable guide to the theory and methods necessary for evaluating research in agriculture and for setting priorities for resource allocation. Although economists have made significant progress in developing more sophisticated methods for research evaluation and priority setting, many research analysts and administrators do not have a working knowledge of those practices. Without the assistance of formal economic analysis it is particularly difficult to assess the social value of new technologies or to make informed judgements about the trade-offs that are involved in allocation decisions. Addressing that knowledge gap, this book reviews, synthesizes, and extends such methods as economic surplus analysis, econometric techniques, mathematical programming procedures, and scoring models. It discusses these practices in the context of scientific policy, describes their conceptual foundations, and explains how to do them. Originally published in 1995 in hardcover by Cornell University Press, it is now reissued in paperback by CAB INTERNATIONAL.

This book uses an economic framework to examine the consequences of U.S. farm and food policies for obesity, its social costs, and the implications for government policy. Drawing on evidence from economics, public health, nutrition, and medicine, the authors evaluate past and potential future roles of policies such as farm subsidies, public agricultural R&D, food assistance programs, taxes on particular foods (such as sodas) or nutrients (such as fat), food labeling laws, and advertising controls. The findings are mostly negative—it is generally not economic to use farm and food policies as obesity policy—but some food policies that combine incentives and information have potential to make a worthwhile impact. This book is accessible to advanced undergraduate and graduate students across the sciences and social sciences, as well as to decision-makers in the public, private, and not-for-profit sectors. Winner of the Quality of Research Discovery Award from the Australasian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society. 

This book uses an economic framework to examine the consequences of U.S. farm and food policies for obesity, its social costs, and the implications for government policy. Drawing on evidence from economics, public health, nutrition, and medicine, the authors evaluate past and potential future roles of policies such as farm subsidies, public agricultural R&D, food assistance programs, taxes on particular foods (such as sodas) or nutrients (such as fat), food labeling laws, and advertising controls. The findings are mostly negative—it is generally not economic to use farm and food policies as obesity policy—but some food policies that combine incentives and information have potential to make a worthwhile impact. This book is accessible to advanced undergraduate and graduate students across the sciences and social sciences, as well as to decision-makers in the public, private, and not-for-profit sectors. Winner of the Quality of Research Discovery Award from the Australasian Agricultural and Resource Economics Society.

gricultural science policy in the United States has profoundly affected the growth and development of agriculture worldwide, not just in the A United States. Over the past 150 years, and especially over the second th half of the 20 Century, public investments in agricultural R&D in the United States grew faster than the value of agricultural production. Public spending on agricultural science grew similarly in other more-developed countries, and c- lectively these efforts, along with private spending, spurred agricultural prod- tivity growth in rich and poor nations alike. The value of this investment is seldom fully appreciated. The resulting p- ductivity improvements have released labor and other resources for alternative uses—in 1900, 29. 2 million Americans (39 percent of the population) were - rectly engaged in farming compared with just 2. 9 million (1. 1 percent) today— while making food and fiber more abundant and cheaper. The benefits are not confined to Americans. U. S. agricultural science has contributed with others to growth in agricultural productivity in many other countries as well as the Un- ed States. The world’s population more than doubled from around 3 billion in 1961 to 6. 54 billion in 2006 (U. S. Census Bureau 2009). Over the same period, production of important grain crops (including maize, wheat and rice) almost trebled, such that global per capita grain production was 18 percent higher in 2006.

gricultural science policy in the United States has profoundly affected the growth and development of agriculture worldwide, not just in the A United States. Over the past 150 years, and especially over the second th half of the 20 Century, public investments in agricultural R&D in the United States grew faster than the value of agricultural production. Public spending on agricultural science grew similarly in other more-developed countries, and c- lectively these efforts, along with private spending, spurred agricultural prod- tivity growth in rich and poor nations alike. The value of this investment is seldom fully appreciated. The resulting p- ductivity improvements have released labor and other resources for alternative uses—in 1900, 29. 2 million Americans (39 percent of the population) were - rectly engaged in farming compared with just 2. 9 million (1. 1 percent) today— while making food and fiber more abundant and cheaper. The benefits are not confined to Americans. U. S. agricultural science has contributed with others to growth in agricultural productivity in many other countries as well as the Un- ed States. The world’s population more than doubled from around 3 billion in 1961 to 6. 54 billion in 2006 (U. S. Census Bureau 2009). Over the same period, production of important grain crops (including maize, wheat and rice) almost trebled, such that global per capita grain production was 18 percent higher in 2006.

REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: ECONOMICS AND POLICY Chapter 1 REGULATING AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW Richard E. Just,* David Zilberman/ and Julian M. Alston * University of Maryland, * University of California, Berkeley, University of California, Davis Abstract: This chapter introduces the topic of this book, drawing upon the content of its chapters. An overview is provided on the economics of technological regulation as applied to agricultural crop biotechnologies. Key elements of agricultural biotechnology regulation in the United States are summarized. Key words: agricultural biotechnologies, causes and consequences of technological regula­ tion, overview and synthesis 1. INTRODUCTION Agricultural biotechnologies apply modern knowledge in molecular and cell biology to produce new varieties and similar genetic materials. The use of genetically modified (GM) crop varieties has grown dramatically since they were introduced in 1995, and large portions of the land allocated to corn, soybeans, and cotton are grown with these varieties. The evidence from the United States, Canada, China, India, Brazil, and Argentina suggests that these applications of biotechnology in agriculture increase yield, reduce the use of pesticides, and save production costs.

gricultural science policy in the United States has profoundly affected the growth and development of agriculture worldwide, not just in the A United States. Over the past 150 years, and especially over the second th half of the 20 Century, public investments in agricultural R&D in the United States grew faster than the value of agricultural production. Public spending on agricultural science grew similarly in other more-developed countries, and c- lectively these efforts, along with private spending, spurred agricultural prod- tivity growth in rich and poor nations alike. The value of this investment is seldom fully appreciated. The resulting p- ductivity improvements have released labor and other resources for alternative uses—in 1900, 29. 2 million Americans (39 percent of the population) were - rectly engaged in farming compared with just 2. 9 million (1. 1 percent) today— while making food and fiber more abundant and cheaper. The benefits are not confined to Americans. U. S. agricultural science has contributed with others to growth in agricultural productivity in many other countries as well as the Un- ed States. The world’s population more than doubled from around 3 billion in 1961 to 6. 54 billion in 2006 (U. S. Census Bureau 2009). Over the same period, production of important grain crops (including maize, wheat and rice) almost trebled, such that global per capita grain production was 18 percent higher in 2006.