Tanika Sarkar – författare

Social reforms aimed at changing the social, political, or economic status of women in India were important both to British colonial rule and to nascent nationalist movements. Debates over practices such as widow immolation, widow remarriage, and child marriage, as well as those governing marriage and property within different religious communities, continued to exert profound influence on Indian society and politics throughout the 20th century. In this collection, eminent historians Sumit Sarkar and Tanika Sarkar bring together some of the most important scholarly articles and primary source documents from the 19th and early 20th centuries.

This book reflects the changing modalities of Hindu nationalist organizing among women and youth. It provides unique insights into how this immensely powerful political formation has been able to preside over a massive network of grassroots organisations among most segments of Indian society and capture national power. Chapters explore the techniques the RSS, VHP and BJP employ and the messages they convey about masculinity, femininity, and LGBTQ communities, and analyze contrasting forms of women's activism in defending and opposing Hindu nationalism. This book contributes to the global literature on the gender dimensions of rightwing politics. By exploring why women advance the agenda of the Hindu Right despite its conservative views on gender and sexuality, the book makes an important intervention in feminist and women's studies scholarship.

Rammohun Roy (1774-1833) has been variously celebrated-or critiqued-as the 'Father of Modern India', 'the Erasmus of India', the first embodiment of the Bengal Renaissance under British rule, or, indeed, as the first modern Indian intellectual whose dilemmas revealed (to later analysts) the constraints of a colonial formation of politics and economy. He agitated for the freedom of the press, argued against the practice of sati, fought for the Hindu widow's right to inherit property, founded a religious organisation (the Brahmo Samaj) based on Unitarian principles, and gave evidence on Indian issues to the British parliament in 1831. He has been acknowledged as one of the progenitors of modern Bengali prose. His international reputation was unprecedented - much admired in America, he was feted in Britain and France, and the Spanish Constitution of Cádiz was dedicated to him. The Cambridge Companion to Rammohun Roy offers a revaluation of Rammohun's life and work through fresh readings of his life and legacy. It also aims to present a global connected history of modern thought in the early nineteenth century, prioritising local sources in both the English press and Bengali-language publications that were so far unexplored.

Rammohun Roy (1774-1833) has been variously celebrated-or critiqued-as the 'Father of Modern India', 'the Erasmus of India', the first embodiment of the Bengal Renaissance under British rule, or, indeed, as the first modern Indian intellectual whose dilemmas revealed (to later analysts) the constraints of a colonial formation of politics and economy. He agitated for the freedom of the press, argued against the practice of sati, fought for the Hindu widow's right to inherit property, founded a religious organisation (the Brahmo Samaj) based on Unitarian principles, and gave evidence on Indian issues to the British parliament in 1831. He has been acknowledged as one of the progenitors of modern Bengali prose. His international reputation was unprecedented - much admired in America, he was feted in Britain and France, and the Spanish Constitution of Cádiz was dedicated to him. The Cambridge Companion to Rammohun Roy offers a revaluation of Rammohun's life and work through fresh readings of his life and legacy. It also aims to present a global connected history of modern thought in the early nineteenth century, prioritising local sources in both the English press and Bengali-language publications that were so far unexplored.

Politics and culture are organically related in the city of Calcutta. The period (1940s to 1950s), was chaotic and turbulent, yet, this was also a time of significant creativity in literature,  art, films and music in the city. This is an unusual feature of any city but is interestingly characteristic of Calcutta. The originality of the work lies in blending poetry with historical writing, retaining the essence of both forms against the backdrop of the tumultuous events of the critical decades, as against the entire historical period of a city. This historical method together with twenty-one papers give the reader a sense of the pulse of this complex city ‘emerging creatively and chaotically from its colonial past’.

What is the relationship between secularization and tolerance? Critically analyzing the empirical and theoretical foundations of a putatively linear relationship between the two, this volume argues for moving past both romanticised readings of pre-modern tolerance and the unthinking belief that secularization will inevitably lead to tolerance. The essays collected in this volume include contributions from across South Asia that suggest that democratic politics have added a layer of complexity to questions of peaceful co-existence. Modern transformations in religious thought and practice have had contradictory implications for tolerance, which offer rich insights into contemporary debates in the region. This multi-disciplinary volume, which spans history, sociology, anthropology and political theory, questions the uncritical acceptance of tolerance as the best framework for engaging with difference, and probes the complications created by and through democratic politics.

Politics and culture are organically related in the city of Calcutta. The period (1940s to 1950s), was chaotic and turbulent, yet, this was also a time of significant creativity in literature,  art, films and music in the city. This is an unusual feature of any city but is interestingly characteristic of Calcutta. The originality of the work lies in blending poetry with historical writing, retaining the essence of both forms against the backdrop of the tumultuous events of the critical decades, as against the entire historical period of a city. This historical method together with twenty-one papers give the reader a sense of the pulse of this complex city ‘emerging creatively and chaotically from its colonial past’.

In the twenty-first century, there has been a seismic shift in Indian political, religious and social life. The country's guiding spirit was formerly a fusion of the anti-caste worldview of B.R. Ambedkar; the inclusive Hinduism of Mahatma Gandhi; and the agnostic secularism of Jawaharlal Nehru. Today, that fusion has given way to Hindutva.This now-dominant version of Hinduism blends the militant nationalism of V.D. Savarkar; the Brahmanical anti-minorityism of M.S. Golwalkar; and the global Islamophobia of India's ruling regime. It requires deep cultural analysis and historical understanding, as only the sharpest and most profoundly informed historian can provide.For two decades, Tanika Sarkar has forged a path through the alleys and byways of Hindutva. She has trawled through the writing and iconography of its organisations and institutions, including RSS schools and VHP temples. She has visited the offices and homes of Hindutva's votaries, interviewing men and women who believe fervently in their mission of Hinduising India. And she has contextualised this new ferment on the ground with her formidable archival knowledge of Hindutva's origins and development over 150 years, from Bankimchandra to the Babri mosque and beyond. This riveting book connects Hindu religious nationalism with the cultural politics of everyday India.

The first full-length autobiography in Bengali, Amar Jiban (My Life) was written in the early nineteenth century by an upper-caste rural housewife named Rashundari Debi. Published in 1868 when she was eighty-eight years old, the book is a fascinating snapshot of life for women in the nineteenth century. Debi, who gave birth to eleven children - her first was born when she was eighteen years old, the last when she was forty-one - ruminates on her very individual understanding of bhakti beliefs as well as the new times that were unfolding around her. Offering a translation of major sections of this remarkable autobiography, Words to Win is a portrait of a woman who wants to compose a life of her own, wishes to present it in the public sphere, and eventually accomplishes just that. The words, in the end, win out. First published in 1999, the book is a must-read for anyone interested in nineteenth-century Indian history. The classic text is reissued here in a new paperback format.

Examines the intersections of gender, religion, and politics among various Indian religious communities, from early British rule to the late twentieth century.2025 CHOICE Outstanding Academic TitleIn Religion and Women in India, Tanika Sarkar provides an account of gender prescriptions and proscriptions and their operation among various Indian religious communities, beginning with early British rule and concluding in the late twentieth century. Tracking various shifts and displacements in doctrinal thought and practice, she argues that Indian modernity was initiated largely through debates on gender, scripture, custom, and caste, which shaped ideal forms of masculine and feminine conduct. She demonstrates the organization of a modern public sphere around the controversies, cultural imaginaries, and political agitations over such issues as the age of consent, child marriage, widow remarriage, rape laws, and intercaste and interfaith relations. Gender norms are shown leaching into social attitudes, labor processes, and legal rights-leading eventually to modern Indian feminism. Closely analyzing the interpenetration and co-constitution of religion, politics, and gender in India, while also comparing parallel developments in Pakistan and Bangladesh, this pioneering work offers a brilliant and synthesizing account of the battles between orthodoxy and its opponents over two hundred years. No historian, no feminist, no student of politics can afford to miss it.