Visar resultat för..."London Publishing Partnership"

The World at Economic War is a timely and thought-provokingreminder of the role that economics plays in modern warfare. It argues thateconomics itself is at war – the institutions of the post-war economic orderare riven with challenges to their legitimacy, rendering the old certainties ofmarket-based economics at best contested and at worst irrelevant. It shows how,through the interdependencies of globalization, the market system itself hasbecome a means of ‘great power conflict’, accelerated by the rapid pace offinancial services digitalization. This economic conflict seeps into the wayinternational trade operates, into the way cross-border payments are made, intosupply chains, and even into how financial markets control the capacity ofgovernments to manage macroeconomic policy. The institutions that were constructed to deal with apeacetime economy are no longer adequate against a backdrop of militaryconflict in Europe and the Middle East and heightened tensions in the AsiaPacific region. Spending on defence and security seemed unimportant against abackdrop of globalization, but because the world is now at economic war, thereis limited capacity either to build capacity or to fund our defence andsecurity. Military and economic security are two sides of the same coin: both area means of power projection; both are deeply political; and both are our meansof deterrence, defence, coercion and resilience.

We all use some form of transport almost every day of our lives. It is one of the most important factors in determining the economic wellbeing of a town or city. And it is also one of the major sources of environmental damage to our planet. Yet, Britain has never had a coherent transport policy. Transport ministers are regarded as insignificant compared with their colleagues in other ministries. Successive governments have failed to get to grips with the twin challenge of getting people around cheaply and safely while safeguarding the environment. In this entertaining polemic, Christian Wolmar, a former national newspaper journalist who has written about transport for over two decades, explains why politicians have never got to grips with the issue, sets out the problems this has caused and points to a few rational solutions.

Britain does not have a coherent transport policy, and conventional transport economics has reached a dead end. A transport policy should incorporate systematic thinking about the travel needs of society. However, in Britain, public investment in the transport system has been extraordinarily volatile. We closed under-used railways and then experienced a doubling of passenger numbers that has prompted huge new investment. We gave up making substantial investment in motorways, but now have chosen to revive the road construction effort in a big way. We vacillate on road pricing, introducing congestion charging successfully in London, but backing off because of local opposition elsewhere. We have delayed for decades the decision about whether and where to build additional airport capacity. The environmental impacts of transport infrastructure - global and local - have been a key focus, but now are not. This mess has come about because policy has focused on big construction projects and time-saving, instead of on the part people and places play in economic development. This book sets out the principles that could underpin a strategic policy for transport.Instead of focusing piecemeal on trying (and failing) to get from place to place ever faster, we need to think about how and where we want the economy to develop, and about how new the digital technologies can help achieve this.

Every year the Institute of Economic Affairs and the London Business School publish a volume of essays about Britain's system of utility regulation, with additional discussion of regulation in other countries. The book is a must for those interested in regulation, because it is an up-to-date review of the major issues in the field and includes the views of the sector regulators and the general competition authorities.Two papers are presented on each issue: the first by a distinguished academic or other expert and the second, a shorter comment, usually by the relevant regulator.

There can be few everyday financial issues more important than the price of houses. Whether we own one and worry about its value or aspire to own one and are frustrated by their high prices, nobody can avoid the issue. In the UK, while prices have fluctuated during our lifetimes, overall they have risen steadily and sometimes spectacularly. The accepted wisdom is that houses are a safe and excellent investment for the long term. But are they really as good an investment as we believe? Might the future be different from the past? Are houses really so safe? This book looks at house prices over the long term in several countries -- including the UK, the US, France, Holland, Norway, Germany and Australia -- to find out what has happened to house prices and why. The author illustrates his findings with authoritative data on trends and provides intriguing details including a century-long index of UK house prices, an analysis of the value of the White House and a fascinating four-hundred-year story of houses in Amsterdam. - To what extent are we right to view our houses as an investment as well as a home?- If prices can rise for decades and then fall for more than a whole generation, then what does the future hold? - If prices rise further, will houses become unaffordable for many young people? How will that affect our society? - If they crash, will that endanger our banks once more? - Are politicians, policymakers and regulators prepared for the true range of possibilities? Anybody who owns a house, wants to own a house or follows the prices and economics of housing will find this book an accessible, fascinating and door-opening read. Neil Monnery studied at Oxford and Harvard Business School. He worked for many years at The Boston Consulting Group as a Director and Senior Vice President and is now active in business, investing and research.

With the financial crisis continuing after five years, people are questioning why economics failed either to send an adequate early warning ahead of the crisis or to resolve it quickly. The gap between important real-world problems and the workhorse mathematical model-based economics being taught to students has become a chasm. Students continue to be taught as if not much has changed since the crisis, as there is no consensus about how to change the curriculum. Meanwhile, employer discontent with the knowledge and skills of their graduate economist recruits has been growing. This book examines what economists need to bring to their jobs, and the way in which education in universities could be improved to fit graduates better for the real world. It is based on an international conference in February 2012, sponsored by the UK Government Economic Service and the Bank of England, which brought employers and academics together. Three themes emerged: the narrow range of skills and knowledge demonstrated by graduates; the need for reform of the content of the courses they are taught; and the barriers to curriculum reform.While some issues remain unresolved, there was strong agreement on such key issues as the strengthening of economic history, the teaching of inductive as well as deductive reasoning, critical evaluation and communication skills, and a better alignment of lecturers' incentives with the needs of their students.

For centuries, many people have been convinced of the healing nature of hot mineral springs. The Romans constructed elaborate bathing facilities throughout their empire to utilise these waters. Immersion was reputed to cure a large variety of illnesses, including such diverse conditions as paralysis, forgetfulness, sciatica and leprosy. The profusion of infirm and disabled visitors seeking relief in the waters attracted an assortment of practitioners and spas became thriving medical marketplaces. By focusing on Britain's premier spa at Bath, this book examines how and why 'taking the waters' was regarded as an efficacious therapy by both patients and practitioners; and how and why Bath's Mineral Water Hospital, one of the earliest voluntary hospitals to be established in the UK, ultimately became a world-renowned centre for the study and treatment of rheumatic diseases. In recent decades, the medical profession has largely forsaken its interest in spas. So is there any scientific evidence that drinking or bathing in hot mineral waters has a therapeutic effect, or is it just a glorified placebo? Read this book and discover the answer, and a great deal more.

Housing matters a great deal. The present housing market has worked well for many of us (who have enjoyed the steeply rising values of our homes) which is why change, especially new building, is resisted. But for increasing numbers it now works less well as home ownership is out of reach, and for many years it has been commonly felt that there is a 'housing crisis' in Britain. Reforms are urgently needed to avoid a growing human cost. With so many conflicting views in evidence and a balance to be struck between growth and conservation, what housing market outcomes might be regarded as a success for policymakers? This short book attempts to give at least some answers, concluding with a list of criteria by which success might be judged along with a list of policy recommendations. Along the way a number of 'myths' are identified - either ideas about the UK housing market or possible solutions to the housing issue - that the author argues are mistaken. She argues that we need to be realistic, and not simplistic, about what mix of outcomes can be achieved.There are many national policy aims, including decent homes for all, protection of the green belt, better design of buildings and places, the avoidance of house price volatility, and intergenerational fairness.At the local level, planning provokes conflict and strong feelings. We also have an existing housing stock that is arguably, at least in part, wrongly located, and some of the housing we do have is of poor quality. For anyone with an interest in housing, this is an authoritative, accessible and constructive contribution to a debate that is likely to rumble on until the cows come home.

This book argues that identity is changing profoundly and that money is changing equally profoundly. Because of technological change the two trends are converging so that all that we need for transacting will be our identities captured in the unique record of our online social contacts. Social networks and mobile phones are the key technologies. They will enable the building of an identity infrastructure that can enhance both privacy and security - there is no trade-off. The long-term consequences of these changes are impossible to predict, partly because how they take shape will depend on how companies (probably not banks) take advantage of business opportunities to deliver transaction services. But one prediction made here is that cash will soon be redundant - and a good thing too. In its place we will see a proliferation of new digital currencies.

The idea that Brazil, Russia, India and China (The 'BRICs') are the economic stars of our times is now widely accepted. Jim O'Neill now introduces us to four new rising stars in the economic firmament: the 'MINT' countries (Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey). However, the struggling 'old' developed nations have still not adjusted to the challenges posed by the new world order. This book looks closely at the role of China in this new order, and in particular at its influential role in Africa where more nations are beginning to emerge as significant economic players to be reckoned with. What is the scale of South-South trade and, crucially, how is this new aspect of globalization being accommodated in global economic governance? How should the world engage with the new economic powerhouses?

London has enjoyed an extraordinary period of growth in the past generation, symbolised by the towers of Canary Wharf built on the skeleton of the old docks. Finance had a lot to do with it, but its day is now over. The infrastructure-driven regeneration of Kings Cross and the Olympic boroughs show what the next stage of London's growth will look like, with an economy driven by accountants and geeks, not bankers. But the question is whether this more modest success will be enough for the next 30 years - and the answer depends on openness, improved global links (given that the capital's main airport is full to capacity) and decent housing for the people who live and work in London.

The difficult economic climate in Europe and the US is set to continue for many years, despite desperate efforts to stimulate growth. The long phase of expansion in western economies that lasted from the 1980s until 2008 was driven by easy money, cheap imports and confidence - all gone. And the shift of geopolitical power to Asia is permanent. Western economies face huge political obstacles to reforms that would boost productivity and growth - continuing stagnation is far more likely. Businesses and policymakers need to adjust to the new reality. And the quicker they do so, the more likely it is that economic prospects will eventually improve.

Poverty, and calls to end it, date back centuries. Even in prosperous modern times, despite the huge transformation of society, poverty has persisted. The challenge is getting harder, not easier, because of more recent changes in society such as the social distance between people in poverty and others, changing family structures (and our mixed views about them) and changing community patterns. The recent economic crisis seems set to leave us with a very different economy in which some may never work. This book looks back at the struggle to rid the country of poverty and asks if the struggle is worth it. What would a poverty free country be like if we could overcome the obstacles which impede progress?

Economists and bankers have long been much maligned individuals; but never more so than in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis. Working as an economist for various financial institutions, for more than 25 years Russell Jones had a foot in both camps, plying his trade in a number of global financial centres and points in between, and experiencing at first hand the extraordinary ebb and flow of an industry that came to exert a disproportionate influence on the lives of almost everyone on the planet. In the process, he met some remarkable people, witnessed dramatic shifts in the balance of global economic and political power, explored in detail the labyrinthine complexities involved in managing modern day macroeconomies, and observed all the arrogance, hubris and day-to-day absurdities of an industry that was in effect allowed to run out of control. It was quite a ride. And not one without its moments of pathos and humour.

This book challenges the assumption that it is bad news when the economy doesn't grow.For decades, it has been widely recognised that there are ecological limits to continuing economic growth and that different ways of living, working and organising our economies are urgently required. This urgency has increased since the financial crash of 2007-2008 - but mainstream economists and politicians are unable to think differently. The authors demonstrate why our economic system demands ecologically unsustainable growth and the pursuit of more 'stuff'. They believe that what matters is quality, not quantity - a better life based on having fewer material possessions, less production and less work. Such a way of life will emphasize well-being, community, security, and what Ivan Illich rightly called 'conviviality'. That is, more real wealth. The book will therefore appeal to everyone curious as to how a new post-growth economics can be conceived and enacted. It will be of particular interest to policy makers, politicians, business people, trade unionists, academics, students, journalists and a wide range of people working in the not for profit sector.All of the contributors are leading thinkers on Green issues and members of the new think tank Green House.

Consumers in Britain face a curious mix of taxes and duties that are messy, opaque and out of date. They are also unfair: the poorer you are, the more of your income goes to pay these taxes. At the same time, we are ceaselessly bombarded by marketing information that is very one-sided. The foods that make us fat, for example, are promoted a great deal more than the foods that could keep us healthy - and again it is mainly the poor that bear the brunt. This book draws on insights from behavioural economics, participative decision-making and the author's twenty-five-year research career to take a fresh look at these issues. It concludes that there is a fair, inclusive, adaptable, affordable and resilient way of enabling us to eat healthily and to tackle the obesity crisis. The book proposes that negative VAT should be charged on healthy foods and high VAT should be charged on unhealthy foods. It sets out a four-step process to actually implement this new regime, each step of which depends on mechanisms that have already been used by government. It is a bold yet practical proposition for tackling one of the most costly and damaging challenges we face.

The aim of this book is to inspire a better politics: one that will enable future generations to be happier. Greater well-being and better health should be the goals - rather than wealth maximization. We need to value health-care more than hedge-funds, caring above careers, relationships more than real-estate. Happiness is the avoidance of misery, the gaining of long-term life satisfaction, the feeling of fulfilment, of worth, of kindness, of usefulness and of love. The book is about what makes most of us happier, but it is also about the collective good. We cannot truly be happy if those around us are not happy. Individualist attempts at self-improvement - or only looking after yourself and your family - do not work in the long-run. This book looks at the evidence for a successful politics that would promote happiness and health. It suggests policies that take account of this evidence. Government can and should work to make us happier.

Britain invented the modern industrial city in the nineteenth century. But by the late 20th century most British cities had become basket cases. Today London overshadows the rest of the country, as the UK's only 'world city'. No other large country is anything like as economically and politically centralized. This concentration of power damages Britain's economy and fuels the sense of discontent felt by the millions of people for whom the capital seems like another planet. Yet it is cities that are fuelling economic growth around the world. Mike Emmerich looks at the DNA of cities and how it expresses itself in their institutions, governance, public services, religion and culture. He argues that the UK needs a devolutionary ratchet, allowing major cities the freedom to seek devolution of any area of public spending that is not inherently national in nature (such as defence). Cities should have powers to raise some of their own taxes including business, property and sales based taxes and to increase them. He calls for sustained investment in transport and infrastructure, and also training.An innovation-centric industrial policy would also have an emphasis on the social fabric of cities and - crucially - their institutions.

Money is changing, and this book looks at where the technology of money might be taking us in the future. Technology has moved our concept of money from physical things, to unseen bits of information. With the arrival of smart cards, mobile phones and Bitcoin, it has become easier than ever to create new forms of money. Crucially, money is also inextricably connected with our identities. Your card or phone can identify you for security - and also enable information about you to be associated with your money (think for example of store 'points' cards). To understand all of this and to see where we might be going, the author first of all looks back over the whole history of money, which spans thousands of years. He sees evidence for possible futures in the past, both recent and ancient. After all, not all 'future' starts from today. For example, it can be argued that the future of money began back in 1971, when money became a claim backed by reputation rather than by commodities of any kind. At this point, money became bits. Looking much further back to a world before cash and central banks we see multiple 'currencies' operating at the level of communities, and the use of barter.The newest technologies will take money back to where it came from: a substitute for memory, to record mutual debt obligations within multiple overlapping communities.This time though money will be smart. It will be money that reflects the values of the communities that produced it. Future money will know where it has been, who has been using it and what they have been using it for.

Few people could tell you what happened on 11th December 2001, yet China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) will define the geopolitics of the 21st century. What were Western leaders thinking at the time? This book tells the story of the most successful trading nation of the early twenty-first century. It looks at how the Chinese Communist Party has retained and cemented its monopoly of political power - producing undreamt of riches for the political elite. It is the most extraordinary economic success story of our time and has reshaped the geopolitics not just of Asia but of the world. As China has come to dominate global manufacturing, its power and influence has grown. This economic power is being translated into political power and the West now has a global rival that is politically antithetical to liberal values. Meanwhile economic liberalism has lost its moral foundation, in part because economic outcomes are not perceived to be the result of fair competition. The weaknesses of the West's democratic model are being laid bare as the lack of wage growth coupled with the policy of inflation targeting by Western central banks has led to falling real incomes for the many, and rising asset prices that have benefited the few. In order to have a fighting chance of protecting the freedoms of liberal democracies, it is of the utmost importance that we understand how the policy of indulgent engagement with China has affected Western society in recent years. Only then will the West be able to change direction for the better, and row back from the harmful consequences of China's accession to the WTO.

The penal system in nineteenth-century England was incredibly complicated. It comprised two types of prison: convict prisons and local prisons. While convict prisons were under the direct control of the Home Office, local prisons were, until the 1877 Prison Act, managed by a whole host of different local authorities, from counties and boroughs to liberties and even cathedrals. Moreover, included among convict prisons were penitentiaries, public works prisons and prison hulks (also known as floating prisons), while local prisons included gaols, bridewells and lock-ups. This complexity has led to a raft of studies of individual institutions. Nevertheless, big gaps in our knowledge remain. Simply put, we don’t even know how many prisons existed in nineteenth-century England.This Guide to the Criminal Prisons of Nineteenth-Century England recovers much of that lost landscape. It contains critical information about operational dates, locations, jurisdictions, population statistics, appearances in primary and secondary sources and lists of surviving archives for 844 English prisons—including local prisons (419), convict prisons (17), prison hulks (30) and lock-ups (378)—used to confine those accused and convicted of crime in the period 1800–1899. Furthermore, through analysis of the accumulated data, the book challenges several important assumptions on the emergence of the modern prison in Britain. It also draws attention to previously unexplored patterns in the preservation and management of penal records.

What are drug courts? Do they work? Why are they so popular? Should countries be expanding them or rolling them back? These are some of the questions this volume attempts to answer.Simultaneously popular and problematic, loved and loathed, drug courts have proven an enduring topic for discussion in international drug policy debates. Starting in Miami in the 1980s and being exported enthusiastically across the world, we now have a range of international case studies to re-examine their effectiveness.Whereas traditional debates tended towards binaries like “do they work?”, this volume attempts to unpick their export and implementation, contextualising their efficacy. Instead of a simple yes or no answer, the book provides key insights into the operation of drug courts in various parts of the world. The case studies range from a relatively successful small-scale model in Australia, to the large and unwieldy business of drug courts in the US, to their failed scale-up in Brazil and the small and institutionally adrift models that have been tried in England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland.The book concludes that although drug courts can be made to work in very specific niche contexts, the singular focus on them as being close to a “silver bullet” obscures the real issues that societies must address, including (but not limited to) a more comprehensive and full-spectrum focus on diverting drug-involved individuals away from the criminal justice system.

While Greens in the UK have always suffered from a grossly unfair electoral system, in the European Union they have been able to flourish as part of a small but effective group of European Greens since their first election in 1999.Greens have had a significant influence on the policies impacting more than 500 million EU citizens, underlining environmental standards and challenging economic and social orthodoxy. While Greens have often been marginalised by the political and media elites in Britain, across Europe, Greens have been seen as 'the voice of reason' and the 'adults in the room'. With Brexit threatening our ongoing influence on European policy-making, former and current UK Green MEPs Caroline Lucas, Jean Lambert, Keith Taylor and Molly Scott Cato reflect on their time in Brussels and chart a course for the party's new relationship with the EU-wide Green movement.This guide to two decades of UK Green achievements in Europe also brings together analysis from prominent academics, journalists, campaigners and Green MEPs from across the EU.

Money is changing, and this book looks at where the technology of money might be taking us in the future. Technology has moved our concept of money from physical things, to unseen bits of information. With the arrival of smart cards, mobile phones and Bitcoin, it has become easier than ever to create new forms of money. Crucially, money is also inextricably connected with our identities. Your card or phone can identify you for security - and also enable information about you to be associated with your money (think for example of store 'points' cards). To understand all of this and to see where we might be going, the author first of all looks back over the whole history of money, which spans thousands of years. He sees evidence for possible futures in the past, both recent and ancient. After all, not all 'future' starts from today. For example, it can be argued that the future of money began back in 1971, when money became a claim backed by reputation rather than by commodities of any kind. At this point, money became bits. Looking much further back to a world before cash and central banks we see multiple 'currencies' operating at the level of communities, and the use of barter.The newest technologies will take money back to where it came from: a substitute for memory, to record mutual debt obligations within multiple overlapping communities. This time though money will be smart. It will be money that reflects the values of the communities that produced it. Future money will know where it has been, who has been using it and what they have been using it for.

We are used to hearing that the climate crisis is serious, but still tractable if we start acting on it soon. The reality is different. Things are going to get much worse, for a long time, whatever we now do – though hardly anyone wants to admit it. This book from the Green House collective offers climate honesty. The time for focusing primarily on mitigation is over. We now need to adapt to the dark reality of climate breakdown. But this means a deep reframing of our entire way of life. The book explores how transformative adaptation might enable us to confront escalating climate chaos while not giving uphope. Facing Up to Climate Reality is a book for those brave enough to abandon the illusion of continuing normality, and embark on a harder, truer journey. Catastrophe or hope? Read this book and make up your own mind.

It seems that just about every new technology that we bring to bear on improving our lives brings with it some downside, side effect or unintended consequence.These issues can pose very real and growing ethical problems for all of us. For example, automated facial recognition can make life easier and safer for us – but it also poses huge issues with regard to privacy, ownership of data and even identity theft. How do we understand and frame these debates, and work out strategies at personal and governmental levels?Technology Is Not Neutral: A Short Guide to Technology Ethics addresses one of today’s most pressing problems: how to create and use tools and technologies to maximize benefits and minimize harms?Drawing on the author’s experience as a technologist, political risk analyst and historian, the book offers a practical and cross-disciplinary approach that will inspire anyone creating, investing in or regulating technology, and it will empower all readers to better hold technology to account.

Trade is no longer just the ships, planes and lorries that move the goods we buy around the world or the services we consume either physically or digitally. While trade still plays a fundamental role in achieving economic targets and promoting growth, it is also, in the modern era, an instrument of state strategy in the contest for international influence and power. With powerful states increasingly reluctant to engage one another through conventional military means, questions about how to build power and protect national interests arise. Today, influence and power are not achieved solely through hard, soft or sharp power, but also through a state’s ability to operate at the intersection of all three. This `all means’ approach to power politics is characterized by a blending of conventional military force with other means, such as cyber- and information warfare, and, increasingly, through trade.Trade is the delivery mechanism through which technology is transferred and, as such, it has become a proxy in the global struggle for power and hegemony. This book examines the US, Chinese and Russian approaches to `strategic trade’ and argues that Europe must adapt or lose out. The authors call on world leaders and international organizations to stop focusing on what drives their own power and to look instead at the root causes of populism – unregulated technology, inequality, disadvantage and environmental destruction – to ensure that multilateralism survives and that a return to the mutually beneficial aspects of trade can be realized.