Foreign Policies of the Middle Powers – serie

This book sets out to explain the foreign policy of Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi (February 2014 to December 2016). It offers a unique analytical framework to make sense of Renzi’s foreign policy: the domestically-focused outsider. It argues that to untangle Renzi’s foreign policy one must first understand that his clear priority was enacting domestic economic and political reforms. Domestic focus means that Renzi made foreign policy decisions with a sensitivity to public opinion and party unity. The book also argues that Renzi’s status as an outsider in Italian politics—having previously served only as the mayor of Florence—provides critical insight into his foreign policy. Renzi was prone to skepticism of the establishment and dramatic, symbolic gestures rather than patient coalition building. The book applies this framework to the five most important foreign policy issues Renzi’s government faced: migration, finance and the EU, Russia, ISIL, and Libya. The book’s analysis of the cases benefits from over twenty elite interviews, including those with senior members of Renzi’s government.

This book analyzes how variations in the traditional pillars of Italian foreign policy (the US, the EU and multilateralism) can be related to changes in the US-led international hegemonic order and to the role that Italy plays within that order. To explore these variations, the book proposes an analysis of the Italian voting and sponsoring behavior at the UN in the period 2000-2017, in both the General Assembly and the Security Council, and emphasizes the importance of the latter forum to detect how Italian behavior reflects changes at the international system level. By focusing on the Italian coalition behavior, the book explores how Italy as a status seeking middle power has traditionally played the role of coalition facilitator, adapting its foreign policy to be part of a coalition of European states and building on this coalition to increase its contribution to the maintenance of the international system in support of the US-led order. Ultimately this behavior also contributed to its status. However, at a moment when traditional coalitions are reshuffling, and elements of uncertainty are present, elements of volatility are present in Italian foreign policy, especially in the choice of intra-European coalition partners. Italy still builds on a coalition of European states and still does so in support of the US and its authority in the international hegemonic order. But changes in the bargaining environment are making the facilitation of a coalition of European states more difficult and less rewarding. The book also highlights ongoing challenges at both the domestic and international level that might lead to more marked discontinuities in the traditional Italian foreign policy behavior

For much of the postwar era, development agencies operated as largely autonomous institutions, justified as complements to national security and diplomacy. That settlement is now unraveling. Humanitarian aid and development assistance have become increasingly entangled with security politics, amid growing skepticism about aid’s purpose and effectiveness. This shift crystallized in July 2025, when the United States, under the second Trump administration, shuttered USAID and folded its remaining functions into the Department of State, echoing earlier efforts to integrate aid and foreign policy in the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, Norway, Denmark, and New Zealand.Bureaucratic Smokescreens: Aid-Diplomacy Mergers and the Future of Foreign Policy examines this global trend toward integrating aid and diplomacy and asks a central question: do these mergers actually advance states’ foreign policy and security goals? Drawing on a comparative study of five countries over two decades, the book uses interviews with senior officials, civil servants, and activists to trace how institutional restructuring reshapes priorities, incentives, and everyday practice on the ground.Against a backdrop of rising Chinese development finance, the emergence of alternative aid donors, and a contracting foreign aid landscape, Bureaucratic Smokescreens interrogates whether development and diplomacy can be meaningfully integrated, or whether their effectiveness depends on institutional distinction. It offers timely lessons for U.S. reform efforts and the future of foreign affairs practice.

This volume presents three claims regarding the role of middle powers in the 21st Century: first, states aspiring to become or remain middle powers choose from three possible role: to be a global middle powers; to be a regional pivot; or to be a niche leader. Second, states seeking such roles need different mixes of hard and soft power sources. Third, more so than great or small powers, middle powers walk a thin line between the domestic and systemic pressures they face. In this volume, these claims are based on (comparative) case studies of Germany, Iran, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, South Korea, Sweden, and Turkey.