Kenneth E. Montague Presidential Rhetoric Series – serie
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4 produkter
466 kr
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The relationship between the presidency and the press has transformed—seemingly overnight—from one where reports and columns were filed, edited, and deliberated for hours before publication into a brave new world where texts, tweets, and sound bites race from composition to release within a matter of seconds. This change, which has ultimately made political journalism both more open and more difficult, brings about many questions, but perhaps the two most important are these: Are the hard questions still being asked? Are they still being answered?In Columns to Characters, Stephanie A. Martin and top scholars and journalists offer a fresh perspective on how the evolution of technology affects the way presidents interact with the public. From Bill Clinton’s saxophone playing on the Arsenio Hall Show to Barack Obama’s skillful use of YouTube, Twitter, and Reddit as the first “social media president,” political communication appears to reflect the increasing fragmentation of the American public.The accessible essays here explore these implications in a variety of real-world circumstances: the “narcotizing” numbness of information overload and voter apathy; the concerns over privacy, security, and civil liberties; new methods of running political campaigns and mobilizing support for programs; and a future “post-rhetorical presidency” in which the press is all but irrelevant. Each section of the book concludes with a “reality check,” a short reflection by a working journalist (or, in one case, a former White House insider) on the presidential beat.
508 kr
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Even those who remember hearing those words may not remember that they came at the very end of a 45-minute speech primarily concerning Vietnam. Three months into an already tumultuous year, in the aftermath of the Tet offensive and facing a deeply divided country, President Lyndon Baines Johnson addressed the nation to announce new initiatives and appeal for public support. The speech of March 31, 1968 announced a bombing halt over much of North Vietnam, a limited troop increase rather than a major escalation, and his own decision to withdraw from the presidential race. Each of these decisions was unexpected, a major surprise that stunned the nation.In Lyndon Johnson, Vietnam, and the Presidency, political rhetoric scholar David Zarefsky examines the three key announcements and how they fit together in the speech. In particular, LBJ's announcement that he would not run for re-election gave the de-escalation measures more credibility because they could not be seen as political ploys.Zarefsky traces the development of the speech through eleven drafts, reflecting disagreements and doubts among the writers and advisers. In turn, he sets these efforts in the larger context of the Cold War and the impact of the Tet offensive.Drawing on archival sources and reflecting rhetorical insights, this book illuminates one of the most consequential speeches of the 1960s. Even though the fighting in Vietnam would continue for several more years, the course of America's conduct in Vietnam was changed permanently by this speech.
700 kr
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Only nine countries have possessed nuclear weapons in the roughly eighty years since the US first introduced the atomic bomb to the world. Since then, a dangerous game of "will they, won't they?" has been played between these nations. The most infamous standoff was the Cold War between the US and USSR, but tension between the US and Iran has been steadily growing as Iran's nuclear weapons program surged. By early 2025, Iran had produced enough near-weapons grade uranium to fuel ten nuclear bombs, leading to the 12-Day War in June 2025. A much larger war with Iran began on February 28, 2026.In Iran, Nuclear Brinkmanship, and the Oval Office, Frederick H. Fleitz reveals how tensions got to the breaking point in early 2026, resulting in massive US and Israeli airstrikes to ensure Iran never gets a nuclear bomb. A companion to North Korea, Nuclear Brinkmanship, and the Oval Office, this book examines the history of US policy toward Iran from the Eisenhower administration to the second Trump administration and offers an analysis of the development of its nuclear weapons program despite US efforts to prevent it. Fleitz attributes this, in part, to mistakes and inconsistent strategy in US policy from administrations of both political parties. Further, he covers strategies Iran has used to advance its own nuclear aims, regardless of US—and international—policy and pressure.Offering a "resource that will help the reader, both experts and laymen, understand the state and development of Iran's nuclear weapons program," Fleitz stresses the urgency of a coherent and effective US policy that recognizes both the seriousness of nuclear threats and the global, political, and military realities that have given rise to them.
612 kr
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"Certainly within the past one hundred years," wrote one commentator in the summer of 1960, "no simple City has so dominated the political scene as Boston does today." That year, Massachusetts Sen. John F. Kennedy was the Democratic nominee for president. His Republican opponent, Richard M. Nixon, chose as his running mate ambassador to the United Nations and former senator from Massachusetts, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr.In Politica Dynastica: Kennedy, Lodge, and the Coming of War in Vietnam, Daniel R. Hart explores how the relationship between Kennedy and Lodge reflected a microcosm of mid-twentieth century Boston: Lodge the exemplar of the established privilege of the Brahmin caste and Kennedy the culminating embodiment of the striving Irish Catholic immigrant.In 1952, Kennedy challenged the thrice-elected Lodge for a seat in the Senate, a triumph that would propel Kennedy to presidency. By the third year of his presidency, Kennedy had overcome his early foreign policy struggles—the Bay of Pigs, the Berlin Wall, the neutralization of Laos—and had proven his mettle during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Yet, the situation in South Vietnam remained untenable.Why, then, would a Democratic president turn to the losing Republican vice-presidential candidate for the most critical ambassadorship in his administration? The alacrity and significance of the appointment was unprecedented in American history and, as Hart suggests, was inextricably tied to Boston, a city as complex as the situation in Vietnam in 1963. Kennedy's need to keep his options open were challenged by the rapidly changing events, and though the men maintained a cordial relationship, in his 100 days as Kennedy's ambassador, Lodge proved to be a dominant figure. Lodge's appointment, and subsequent actions, lends itself to Hart's analysis of what Kennedy might have done in Vietnam.