St. James's Studies in World Affairs – serie

In this groundbreaking study, international relations scholar Hicham Tohme offers a critique of current academic, scholarly, and public understandings of Russia’s geostrategic outlook through the lens of the ongoing Syrian crisis. This critique is based on a reassessment of four key concepts that shape our knowledge of Russia’s foreign policy. First, the Westphalian state system is an inadequate a point of reference when applied to a country that still perceives itself and behaves as an empire. Second, justifying aggressive foreign policy as a counterweight to a perceived deficiency in the legitimacy of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s leadership oversimplifies Russian political culture and public values, which do not overlap with Western norms and institutions. Third, analysis of Russian foreign policy, as well as of Russia’s global role, remains restricted to what can be best described as a ‘post-Cold War framework’, a static image of global history for the past thirty years. Finally, most geopolitical and foreign affairs analyses focus on diplomatic and foreign policy rhetoric, rather than foreign policy praxis, as the primary data on which to draw conclusions.Offering an alternate explanation, this study examines Russia’s intervention in the Syrian crisis to reveal practices that have come to characterize its global strategy and outlook for the past decade. As such, Russian policy in Syria will be presented as part of a praxis that can describe many facets of Russian global disposition. This clearly places geopolitical practices, not rhetoric, at the heart of the analysis.Further, this book relies on the concept of habitus to explain how these practices inhere in a long tradition of Russian behavior, advancing the notion that they must be understood as part of a historical continuum of Russia’s political culture, mainly when it comes to its perception of its neighbors. By adopting a non-Westphalian framework and escaping the epistemological and methodological foundations of traditional foreign policy analysis, this book seeks to answer two key questions: How can we best describe Russia’s geostrategic predispositions? And how can we understand Russia’s involvement in the Syrian crisis in light of this analysis?

More than 13,000 people lost their lives and many others suffered in other ways during the Maoist-led armed conflict that lasted for ten years (1996-2006) in Nepal. Many people are still missing and many more have been displaced. The lives of women in particular have been affected, with a heightened prevalence of gender-based violence during the armed conflict and post-conflict transition period. The warring sides used gendered strategies of the war wage war against each other and this book deals about the implications of such tactics. The implications of the cantonment camps in which the Maoist combatants were placed illuminate unintended consequences of this temporary provision. By recording the implications and subjective experiences of some of the victims of this war, often regarded as a low-intensity conflict, this book portrays the agony of women who endured the conflict. It shows how the conflict exacerbated the prevailing gender inequality suffered by women. Narratives of victims themselves and their portrayal in some newspapers during the conflict period have been taken in account in developing this book. The book also highlights the agentive strategies women devised to cope with the unwanted situation appropriate in their social, cultural, and political contexts. This book presents the social history of certain segment of people, especially women and displaced people, whose traumatic experiences, agonies, or efforts to come out of that often gets shadowed in the portrayal of macro level picture of the society, polity or even a war.

In this provocative new book, Shritha Vasudevan argues that feminist international relations (IR) theory has inadvertently resulted in a biased worldview, the very opposite of what feminist IR set out to try to rectify. This book contests theoretical presumptions of Western feminist IR and attempts to reformulate it in contexts of non-Western cultures. Vasudevan deftly utilizes the theoretical constructs of IR to explore the ramifications for India. This hypothesis argues that the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has predictive validity and is not a top-down norm but derived from the material and contingent experiences of nation states. This book enters the debate between feminist qualitative and quantitative IR through the lens of gender-based violence (GBV) under the CEDAW.

In this exciting new book, Taiwanese scholar Catherine Kai-Ping Lin examines Taiwan’s diplomatic history since the 1970s through the lens of sports in the development of nationalism in foreign relations. Since 1971, when Taiwan lost its United Nations seat to the communist People’s Republic of China, the country has gradually shifted its foreign policy. Originally following its “One-China Policy” -- conquering the mainland and reunifying China, -- Taiwan has more recently promoted its status as an independent country amid an international atmosphere in which it does not enjoy diplomatic recognition.Presenting a highly original chronological case study of the role of sports in the making of Taiwan’s foreign policy, Lin aims to enrich our understanding of Taiwan’s unique position in the world by arguing that nationalist forces within the Taiwanese government – all the way up to its top leadership — used athletic competition to promote Taiwanese nationalism and nationhood.

Edited by veteran Czech diplomat and senior religion scholar Glenn Hughes, The Presence of the Past presents new insights from a conference hosted by the Václav Havel Program for Human Rights and Diplomacy at Florida International University, in cooperation with the Czech non-profit organization Post Bellum and the Vaclav Havel Library. Its fundamental topic is memory, the human capacity to retain its contents in the flux of time, which is explored and discussed both theoretically and in terms of current action-oriented public discourse.The distinguished group of philosophers, theologians, political scientists, historians, journalists, and political activists who contributed to this volume share their perspectives on pressing issues in the modern world, at the nexus of politics and philosophy. This book’s most central goal is to bring together those who are used to operating in the realm of ideas, in the so-called “ivory tower,” and those who work on the ground—sharp observers of human matters, trained to study them from different perspectives and exposed in their daily lives to the practical problems connected with our capacities of memory, individual or collective. The aim of this dialogue and communication is to open a path to a new beginning. A postscript tries to demonstrate that such an encounter is truly possible; that it can even be productive, and make a good deal of sense.

In The Warsaw Pact, 1969-1985, young Czech scholar Mat?j Bílý analyzes the internal tensions of the Soviet-led Cold War alliance as its careened toward its end. Starting with the peak of the alliance’s power under Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, the book follows its ossification to its increasing haplessness under Brezhnev’s successors Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko. Rooted in detailed research in Czech, Polish, and German archives, this book presents much previously unknown information about the alliance’s mechanisms as it served as one of the Kremlin’s increasingly ineffective tools for managing the Eastern Bloc.Bílý’s findings prove that the Warsaw Pact never became an initiator of political processes within the Soviet sphere of interest and only reactively addressed military issues. The alliance's framework did not allow it to become an incubator or agent of any independent development in the Soviet sphere of influence. To the contrary, events within the Warsaw Pact reflected the overall dismal situation in the Eastern Bloc and the changing policy of the Kremlin toward its East European satellites. Because of the alliance’s lack of flexibility and cumbersome internal mechanisms, it was unable to react to the dynamic challenges of the 1980s and helplessly followed a path to its own end.

In The Warsaw Pact, 1969-1985, young Czech scholar Mat?j Bílý analyzes the internal tensions of the Soviet-led Cold War alliance as its careened toward its end. Starting with the peak of the alliance’s power under Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, the book follows its ossification to its increasing haplessness under Brezhnev’s successors Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko. Rooted in detailed research in Czech, Polish, and German archives, this book presents much previously unknown information about the alliance’s mechanisms as it served as one of the Kremlin’s increasingly ineffective tools for managing the Eastern Bloc.Bílý’s findings prove that the Warsaw Pact never became an initiator of political processes within the Soviet sphere of interest and only reactively addressed military issues. The alliance's framework did not allow it to become an incubator or agent of any independent development in the Soviet sphere of influence. To the contrary, events within the Warsaw Pact reflected the overall dismal situation in the Eastern Bloc and the changing policy of the Kremlin toward its East European satellites. Because of the alliance’s lack of flexibility and cumbersome internal mechanisms, it was unable to react to the dynamic challenges of the 1980s and helplessly followed a path to its own end.

In this penetrating study, Mohd Aarif Rather tackles the problem of the Kashmir Valley, one of the most complex situations in international politics, from the perspective of human security. The Kashmir conflict involves disputed borders between two nuclear power, India and Pakistan, and a local population that has become increasingly alienated from Indian federal rule. Kashmir has also witnessed intense militarization, resulting in various security issues, problematized identities, and disputed demarcation of frontiers.Unlike previous studies of the Kashmir conflict, Mapping Human Security Challenges departs from conventional analyses of security issues. This study moves our understanding of Kashmir to a grassroots level, and assesses the challenges posed by intensive militarisation to the ability (or inability) to lead a life as one wishes. The paradigmatic militarisation prevailing in the valley of Kashmir allows for an examination of the numerous challenges demanded by human security. Unexplored security issues frequently identified in the world today are thus central to this book.

Vietnam has claimed the Paracel and Spratly Island groups for hundreds of years. China’s invasion and capture of the Paracels from South Vietnam in 1974, and its ongoing occupation of the Spratlys, have created increasing opposition and anger not only among Vietnamese citizens but worldwide. This book insists that China’s illegal violation of Vietnamese sovereignty rights in the Paracels and Spratlys has included serious human rights violations and decelerated the process of human emancipation.Using both realist and critical theories in a comparative framework, China Moves South states that while realism may offer a reasonable approach to explaining China’s behavior, critical theory is a more appropriate lens to challenge China’s occupations. Employing critical theory and human rights law as methods of evaluation, this book insists that human rights and international law cannot sustain China’s continuing violations as defined by the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea in 1982.Additionally, China Moves South aims to provide government officials, international scholars, students, and other interested parties with a better understanding of Chinese’s illegal invasion and capture of the Paracels and Spratlys and, more importantly, to counsel urgent action to resist the Chinese occupation as China becomes more assertive in the vital waters of the South China Sea.

The failure of six countries to reach an agreement in the Six-Party Talks on Korea has shown the futility of negotiations to denuclearize North Korea. As Victor Ofosu shows in this timely new study, diplomacy failed because nuclear reversal is not in Pyongyang security, regional, or economic interests. This analysis examines factors which may encourage North Korea and other nuclear powers to reverse their posture, including considerations of constraint surrounding the INF treaty between the United States and Russia. The book also considers arguments criticizing the effectiveness of arms control agreements, the application of security and domestic models of arms control, and how security and domestic issues can deter a state from complying with a treaty.

When Ronald Reagan was elected president in 1980, he found America’s economy, defense, and global position weakened to the point of collapse. The previous seven years of attempted détente with the Soviet Union had resulted in the worst foreign policy failures in American history. As the distinguished diplomatic historian Richard C. Thornton shows in this thorough reassessment of Reagan’s presidency, written for the 40th anniversary of his election, the new president was determined to rebuild American economic and military power and to restore the Western Alliance. Reagan’s “Victory Program” supported anti-Soviet resistance movements in communist countries, attacked the financial underpinnings of the Soviet economy, and boldly challenged the Soviet Union’s forward positions around the world. The deployment of Pershing II missiles to Europe in 1983 restored the balance of power in Europe and, combined with the U.S. military buildup, reestablished strategic equilibrium between the United States and the Soviet Union by the end of Reagan’s first term. As America faces a host of new challenges in the world today, this reexamination will be of interest to students, scholars, and practitioners alike.