Daniel Loick – författare

EGENDOM Utifrån en rad nyskrivna och översatta texter gör vi historiska och samtida nedslag i frågor som rör egendom, egendomsrelationer och äganderätt. Texterna diskuterar egendom i förhållande till bland annat staden, kolonialism, nyliberalism, socialism, jämlikhet, statuspolitik, motstånd, reglering och avreglering. Läsaren får följa med till platser och händelser som haft avgörande betydelse för tillkomsten av dominerande egendomsrelationer eller som visar på viktiga konsekvenser av deras införande. Texterna tar oss bland annat till den athenska demokratin under 500-talet f. Kr., till den haitiska revolutionen i slutet av 1700-talet och till kronotorpen under deras framväxt i Norrland i slutet av 1800-talet. Med inspiration från franciskanermunkarnas kamp mot privategendom i slutet av 1200-talet formulerar den tyske filosofen Daniel Loick ett försvar för rätten att slippa äga. Den amerikanske filosofen George Caffentzis och den italiensk-amerikanska forskaren i politisk teori Silvia Federici skriver om vilka kriterier som måste vara uppfyllda för att allmänningar ska kunna tjäna som verktyg i kampen för ett antikapitalistiskt samhälle. Statsvetaren Ulrika Waaranperäs visar hur gruvbrytningen i Gállok utanför Jokkmokk och i skånska Hörby och Österlen skapar intressekonflikter och aktualiserar frågor om lokal bestämmanderätt och urfolks rättigheter. Sônia Guajajara beskriver i en intervju hur olika uppfattningar om egendom har krockat i samband med Jair Bolsonaros expansiva jordbrukspolitik i delar av Amazonas regnskogar, som lett till upptrappad förföljelse av folkgruppen Guajajara. Innehåll i Fronesis nr 68–69 (201 sidor): Vanja Carlsson, Maryam Fanni och Carl Wilén: Jämlikhetsbacklash och socialistisk draksådd Leila Brännström: Egendom, reglering och klassmakt, 1920–2020. En kort historia om globalister och den nyliberala marknadsmoralen Anna Kaijser och Carolina Pettersson: Från afternoon tea till koloniala tvångsförflyttningar. Introduktion till avsnittets texter Ulrika Waaranperä: Är mark egendom? Hur gruvfrågan aktualiserar andra markbegrepp Imri Sandström: Skapelsens kr. Carolina Pettersson och Anna Kaijser: Inte en blodsdroppe till. En intervju med Sônia Guajajara Maryam Fanni, Carolina Pettersson och Hannes Rolf: Urbana rörelser mot den globala finanskapitalismen. Introduktion till avsnittets texter Maryam Fanni och Klara Meijer: Skyskrapan som tecken på kris och katastrof Hannes Rolf: Hyresgäster mellan krigen. Organisering under marknadshyrornas tid Dominika V. Polanska: Vems är staden? Husockupationer som ett sätt att ifrågasätta äganderätten George Caffentzis och Silvia Federici: Allmänningar emot och bortom kapitalismen Vanja Carlsson och Tormod Otter Johansen: Inkludering, makt och social förändring. Introduktion till avsnittets texter Ernst Wigforss: Äganderätt och socialism Evelina Johansson Wilén: Statuspolitikens villkor under kapitalistiska egendomsförhållanden Jevgenij Pasjukanis: Varan och subjektet Daniel Loick: Missbruk av egendom Carl Wilén: Jämlikhet i egendomens ruiner. Tre kritiska alternativ Redaktörer: Vanja Carlsson, Maryam Fanni och Carl Wilén. Redaktion: Anna Kaijser, Tormod Otter Johansen, Carolina Pettersson och Hannes Rolf.

From the perspective of oppressed groups, the lives of the rich and powerful are not necessarily desirable. The exercise of domination makes their form of life more ignorant, meaner, uglier, and sadder. People whose lived reality is shaped by experiences of violence and suffering, on the other hand, often have access to epistemic insights, ethical virtues, and aesthetic expressions that privileged subjects lack. This inverts the established order of superiority: Somebody can be politically, economically, socially, or culturally oppressed, but still have an epistemic, normative, aesthetic, or affective advantage. Whether they can tap into these resources, however, depends on certain practices of collectivization: on whether they are members of counter-communities. Liberation can therefore never be achieved through inclusion or integration into dominant institutions. The struggle for liberation is a struggle for abolition.Engaging with Hegel, Marx, and the Frankfurt School, as well as abolitionist, queer-feminist and Black studies, this book aims to elaborate the specific structure of counter-community ethical life and thus to develop new perspectives for radical political theory and practice.

In this important new book, Daniel Loick argues that in order to become sensible to the violence imbedded in our political routines, philosophy must question the current forms of political community – the ways in which it organizes and executes its decisions, in which it creates and interprets its laws – much more radically than before. It must become a critical theory of sovereignty and in doing so eliminate coercion from the law.The book opens with a historical reconstruction of the concept of sovereignty in Bodin, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Kant. Loick applies Adorno and Horkheimer’s notion of a ‘dialectic of Enlightenment’ to the political sphere, demonstrating that whenever humanity deemed itself progressing from chaos and despotism, it at the same time prolonged exactly the violent forms of interaction it wanted to rid itself from. He goes on to assemble critical theories of sovereignty, using Walter Benjamin’s distinction between ‘law-positing’ and ‘law-preserving’ violence as a terminological source, engaging with Marx, Arendt, Foucault, Agamben and Derrida, and adding several other dimensions of violence in order to draw a more complete picture. Finally, Loick proposes the idea of non-coercive law as a consequence of a critical theory of sovereignty. The translation of this work was funded by Geisteswissenschaften International – Translation Funding for Humanities and Social Sciences from Germany, a joint initiative of the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, the German Federal Foreign Office, the collecting society VG WORT and the Börsenverein des Deutschen Buchhandels (German Publisher & Booksellers Association)

In this important new book, Daniel Loick argues that in order to become sensible to the violence imbedded in our political routines, philosophy must question the current forms of political community – the ways in which it organizes and executes its decisions, in which it creates and interprets its laws – much more radically than before. It must become a critical theory of sovereignty and in doing so eliminate coercion from the law.The book opens with a historical reconstruction of the concept of sovereignty in Bodin, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Kant. Loick applies Adorno and Horkheimer’s notion of a ‘dialectic of Enlightenment’ to the political sphere, demonstrating that whenever humanity deemed itself progressing from chaos and despotism, it at the same time prolonged exactly the violent forms of interaction it wanted to rid itself from. He goes on to assemble critical theories of sovereignty, using Walter Benjamin’s distinction between ‘law-positing’ and ‘law-preserving’ violence as a terminological source, engaging with Marx, Arendt, Foucault, Agamben and Derrida, and adding several other dimensions of violence in order to draw a more complete picture. Finally, Loick proposes the idea of non-coercive law as a consequence of a critical theory of sovereignty. The translation of this work was funded by Geisteswissenschaften International – Translation Funding for Humanities and Social Sciences from Germany, a joint initiative of the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, the German Federal Foreign Office, the collecting society VG WORT and the Börsenverein des Deutschen Buchhandels (German Publisher & Booksellers Association)

In this important new book, Daniel Loick argues that in order to become sensible to the violence imbedded in our political routines, philosophy must question the current forms of political community – the ways in which it organizes and executes its decisions, in which it creates and interprets its laws – much more radically than before. It must become a critical theory of sovereignty and in doing so eliminate coercion from the law.The book opens with a historical reconstruction of the concept of sovereignty in Bodin, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Kant. Loick applies Adorno and Horkheimer’s notion of a ‘dialectic of Enlightenment’ to the political sphere, demonstrating that whenever humanity deemed itself progressing from chaos and despotism, it at the same time prolonged exactly the violent forms of interaction it wanted to rid itself from. He goes on to assemble critical theories of sovereignty, using Walter Benjamin’s distinction between ‘law-positing’ and ‘law-preserving’ violence as a terminological source, engaging with Marx, Arendt, Foucault, Agamben and Derrida, and adding several other dimensions of violence in order to draw a more complete picture. Finally, Loick proposes the idea of non-coercive law as a consequence of a critical theory of sovereignty. The translation of this work was funded by Geisteswissenschaften International – Translation Funding for Humanities and Social Sciences from Germany, a joint initiative of the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, the German Federal Foreign Office, the collecting society VG WORT and the Börsenverein des Deutschen Buchhandels (German Publisher & Booksellers Association)

Axel Honneth is widely regarded as one of the most important contemporary critical theorists. His oeuvre, which spans more than four decades of writing—from his early engagement with critique in the Frankfurt School tradition to his theory of recognition and the latest discussions of freedom in modern ethical life and the question of socialism—has been enormously influential in the shaping of current critical theory and beyond. Bringing together leading scholars in contemporary social and political philosophy, this authoritative book takes the central themes of Honneth’s work as a starting point for debating the present and future of critical theory as a form of socially grounded philosophy that is geared toward analyzing and critiquing society. Honneth’s writings revolve around five key themes: critique, recognition, freedom, progress, and socialism. His arguments engaging with each of these themes have substantially advanced current debates in critical theory and social and political philosophy more generally. The contributing authors take on these five themes and use them as a springboard to structure their discussion of the future of critical theory in our contemporary moment.

Axel Honneth is widely regarded as one of the most important contemporary critical theorists. His oeuvre, which spans more than four decades of writing—from his early engagement with critique in the Frankfurt School tradition to his theory of recognition and the latest discussions of freedom in modern ethical life and the question of socialism—has been enormously influential in the shaping of current critical theory and beyond. Bringing together leading scholars in contemporary social and political philosophy, this authoritative book takes the central themes of Honneth’s work as a starting point for debating the present and future of critical theory as a form of socially grounded philosophy that is geared toward analyzing and critiquing society. Honneth’s writings revolve around five key themes: critique, recognition, freedom, progress, and socialism. His arguments engaging with each of these themes have substantially advanced current debates in critical theory and social and political philosophy more generally. The contributing authors take on these five themes and use them as a springboard to structure their discussion of the future of critical theory in our contemporary moment.

philosophie, Ökonomie und Politik sind die drei wichtigsten Koordinaten, welche das Werk von Karl Marx markieren. Diese Begriffe stellen aber nicht etwa thematische Rubriken oder Disziplinenunterscheidungen dar, sondern bilden theoretische Kategorien, die zueinander in einem Negations- oder Kontestationsverhältnis stehen. Den im vorliegenden Band versammelten Texten geht es um eine systematische Reflexion dieser drei Begriffe und ihres Verhältnisses zueinander vor dem Hintergrund aktueller sozialer und politischer Entwicklungen. Die Texte bieten einen Überblick über Disparität und Spannbreite von Ansätzen und Überlegungen, die sich heute auf Marx beziehen: von Arbeiten über aristotelische, hegelsche oder fouriersche Einflüsse in Marx‘ Arbeiten über Bezüge zur Neoklassik oder analytischen Philosophie bis hin zu postkolonialen und feministischen Theorien. Auch sie stehen zueinander in ebenso einem Konkurrenz- wie in einem Komplementärverhältnis, denn sie widersprechen einander zwar, verweisen so aber auch einander auf blinde Flecken oder Problemfelder. Gemeinsam ist ihnen allerdings eine Unzufriedenheit mit den Beschränkungen der Vorherrschaft des politischen Liberalismus, mit welchem sich nach Eindruck der Beitragenden weder die Pathologien den gegenwärtigen Gesellschaftsformation, noch eine fruchtbare politische Perspektive zu deren Veränderung gewinnen lässt.

philosophie, Ökonomie und Politik sind die drei wichtigsten Koordinaten, welche das Werk von Karl Marx markieren. Diese Begriffe stellen aber nicht etwa thematische Rubriken oder Disziplinenunterscheidungen dar, sondern bilden theoretische Kategorien, die zueinander in einem Negations- oder Kontestationsverhältnis stehen. Den im vorliegenden Band versammelten Texten geht es um eine systematische Reflexion dieser drei Begriffe und ihres Verhältnisses zueinander vor dem Hintergrund aktueller sozialer und politischer Entwicklungen. Die Texte bieten einen Überblick über Disparität und Spannbreite von Ansätzen und Überlegungen, die sich heute auf Marx beziehen: von Arbeiten über aristotelische, hegelsche oder fouriersche Einflüsse in Marx‘ Arbeiten über Bezüge zur Neoklassik oder analytischen Philosophie bis hin zu postkolonialen und feministischen Theorien. Auch sie stehen zueinander in ebenso einem Konkurrenz- wie in einem Komplementärverhältnis, denn sie widersprechen einander zwar, verweisen so aber auch einander auf blinde Flecken oder Problemfelder. Gemeinsam ist ihnen allerdings eine Unzufriedenheit mit den Beschränkungen der Vorherrschaft des politischen Liberalismus, mit welchem sich nach Eindruck der Beitragenden weder die Pathologien den gegenwärtigen Gesellschaftsformation, noch eine fruchtbare politische Perspektive zu deren Veränderung gewinnen lässt.