SUNY series in Social and Political Thought – serie

This study on the contemporary relevance of Rousseau's ethical and social thought, the "ethic of authenticity," responds to the tensions of modern morality and rivals the answers generated by the more mainstream tradition of the "ethic of autonomy."

Günther's book demonstrates that most objections to moral and legal principles are directed not against the validity of principles but against the manner of their application. If one distinguishes between the justification of a principle and its appropriate application, then the claim that the application of the principle in each individual case follows automatically from its universal justification proves to be a misunderstanding. Günther develops this distinction with the help of Habermas's discourse theory of morality. He then employs it to extend Kohlberg's theory of moral development and to defend this against Gilligan's critique. In the third and fourth parts of the book, Günther shows-in debate with Hare, Dworkin, and others-how argumentation on the appropriate application of norms and principles in morality and law is possible.

This book is an examination of nineteenth-century interpretations of Socrates by Hegel, Kierkegaard, and Nietzsche in the light of the contemporary debates over rationality in the modern world. These interpretations of Socrates have fundamentally influenced modern and postmodern thought, and their complexity reflects both an attraction to, and a fear of, the peculiarly modern concept of reason that Socrates is read as embodying.Socrates is seen in this book as an emblematic figure through which the constitutive tensions between enlightenment and romanticism in modern thought can be understood. In the concluding chapter, Harrison analyzes the claims of discursive reason versus those of deconstruction in the postmodern conflict over the figure of Socrates.

This is a unification of Michel Foucault's thought as a systematic epistemological project. Privitera shows that the method and unity of Foucault's writings can only be seen by examining their origins in the work of Bachelard and Canguilhem.

The author shows that conceptions of rationality in current theories of science and law can account for neither the legitimacy of paradigm shifts nor the communitarian integrity internal to paradigms generally. He proposes an alternative conception of rationality that does.Winner of the 1996 Alpha Sigma Nu Book Award presented by Association of Jesuit Colleges and University and Alpha Sigma NuReason, History, and Politics shows that certain conceptions of rationality in current theories of science, technology, and law can account for neither the legitimacy of paradigm shifts nor the communitarian integrity of rational decision and learning internal to paradigms generally. Ingram proposes an alternative conception of reality that does.Drawing on a rich literature that encompasses classical German Idealism, pragmatism, poststructuralism, and hermeneutics, Ingram shows how a specific model of art criticism and aesthetic judgment illuminates the kind of discursive rationality found in all domains of rational undertaking. The book synthesizes debates in law, political science, philosophy of science and history, and social philosophy, and covers Anglo-American, French, and German schools of philosophy, discussing topics such as critical legal studies, the logic of scientific discovery and explanation, and subjectivity, hegemony, and totalitarianism.

The author shows that conceptions of rationality in current theories of science and law can account for neither the legitimacy of paradigm shifts nor the communitarian integrity internal to paradigms generally. He proposes an alternative conception of rationality that does.Winner of the 1996 Alpha Sigma Nu Book Award presented by Association of Jesuit Colleges and University and Alpha Sigma NuReason, History, and Politics shows that certain conceptions of rationality in current theories of science, technology, and law can account for neither the legitimacy of paradigm shifts nor the communitarian integrity of rational decision and learning internal to paradigms generally. Ingram proposes an alternative conception of reality that does.Drawing on a rich literature that encompasses classical German Idealism, pragmatism, poststructuralism, and hermeneutics, Ingram shows how a specific model of art criticism and aesthetic judgment illuminates the kind of discursive rationality found in all domains of rational undertaking. The book synthesizes debates in law, political science, philosophy of science and history, and social philosophy, and covers Anglo-American, French, and German schools of philosophy, discussing topics such as critical legal studies, the logic of scientific discovery and explanation, and subjectivity, hegemony, and totalitarianism.

Using the writings of the critical theorists of the Frankfurt School as a framework, this book uncovers the tensions and contradictions associated with the rise of capitalism as manifested in the writings of Rousseau and Diderot.Mass Enlightenment uncovers the tensions and contradictions associated with the rise of capitalism and mass culture as they were already making themselves felt during the second half of the eighteenth century and shows that the works of Rousseau and Diderot display a manifest awareness of the negative side of "enlightenment" and "progress." Simon explores the themes of individual freedom and moral autonomy, the growth of a consumer market, alienated social relations, the split between the public and private spheres, and the appearance of commodification as they are articulated in the writings of Rousseau and Diderot. Her careful readings of these Enlightenment theorists expose concerns over the crisis tendencies associated with capitalism and a consumer market similar to those diagnosed by the writers of the Frankfurt School.

Argues that the tradition of critical theory has had significant problems dealing with the concept of nature and that their solutions require taking seriously the idea of nature as socially constructed.Against Nature examines the history of the concept of nature in the tradition of Critical Theory, with chapters on Lukacs, Horkheimer and Adorno, Marcuse, and Habermas. It argues that the tradition has been marked by significant difficulties with respect to that concept; that these problems are relevant to contemporary environmental philosophy as well; and that a solution to them requires taking seriously—and literally—the idea of nature as socially constructed.

Argues that the tradition of critical theory has had significant problems dealing with the concept of nature and that their solutions require taking seriously the idea of nature as socially constructed.Against Nature examines the history of the concept of nature in the tradition of Critical Theory, with chapters on Lukacs, Horkheimer and Adorno, Marcuse, and Habermas. It argues that the tradition has been marked by significant difficulties with respect to that concept; that these problems are relevant to contemporary environmental philosophy as well; and that a solution to them requires taking seriously—and literally—the idea of nature as socially constructed.

This book draws mutually enlightening parallels between controversial themes in contemporary feminist thought and Hegel's political philosophy. Jeffrey A. Gauthier argues that feminism can gainfully employ Hegel's historicizing of Kant's ethics of universality, as well as his socializing of Kant's conception of autonomy, in defense of a number of controversial feminist claims.Hegel and Feminist Social Criticism brings the Hegelian texts into a critical dialogue with the work of a number of important contemporary feminist theorists, including Annette Baier, Cheshire Calhoun, Drucilla Cornell, Marilyn Friedman, Marilyn Frye, Sandra Harding, Luce Irigaray, Alison Jaggar, Helen Longino, and Catharine MacKinnon. In a series of discussions taking up issues such as consciousness-raising, standpoint theory, sexist agency, critiques of universalism, the emotions, systematic violence against women, and "difference" theory, the book offers a sustained argument not only for the importance of Hegel for feminist thought but for the significance of feminism in clarifying and developing certain key Hegelian ideas as well.

Defends a libertarian social ethic that can support government action in pursuit of social goals and offers a new perspective on the relationship between social ethics, personal ethics, and environmental ethics.This surprising work may well change our ideas about what libertarianism is and what it can be. Tal Scriven elaborates and defends a libertarian theory of social ethics that can support welfare, reverse discrimination, and environmental preservationism; biocentrism, Nietzschean perspectivism, and laws requiring good Samaritanism; and utilitarianism, the social contract theory, and legal moralism-all at the same time. In the process, he offers strikingly original analyses of figures as varied as Plato, Hume, Rousseau, Kant, Mill, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Dewey.The first part of the book articulates a libertarian approach to the ethics of social policy, arguing that the principle of utility should be understood, in judging social policy, through application of the principle of harm, or wrongness. Part II draws on Plato, Nietzsche, and Mill to give an account of ideas relevant to moral reflection on individual lives, analyzing various theories of prudential wisdom that apply to the private realm of purely personal action. Part III deals with our relationship, as individuals and societies, to nature. Scriven argues that nothing logically prevents a well-constructed libertarianism from supporting environmental-ethics positions at least as radical as biocentrism, although he finds deep problems with going as far as ecocentrism and its postmodern variants.

Assesses critically the work of Rawls, Walzer, and Habermas and presents a theory of justice that responds to two senses of pluralism.In this book, Shane O'Neill argues that the theory of justice must take seriously two dimensions of pluralism in the modern world. While it must acknowledge the plurality of individual conceptions of the good that is characteristic of every modern society, it must also reckon with the plurality of historically unique, culturally specific, political societies.O'Neill offers a distinctive perspective on an extremely significant current debate about universalism and particularism in political philosophy. Justice, he maintains, must be understood both in terms of an impartial point of view that respects differing conceptions of the good and in relation to the particular contexts in which disputes about norms and principles arise. Liberals, most notably John Rawls, have tended to privilege the former aspect of justice, while communitarians, especially Michael Walzer, have stressed the latter. O'Neill shows how Habermas's discourse ethics can overcome the limitations of these alternatives by providing theoretical tools that allow us to ground impartiality in particular contexts. This position is developed through an exploration of the complementary roles of moral and ethical discourses and an application of the theory to the political conflict in Northern Ireland.This careful and detailed philosophical argument offers a valuable critical introduction to a range of important topics, including the communitarian critique of liberalism, feminist perspectives on justice, the interpretive turn in political philosophy, the theory of communicative action, the dynamics of a discursive democracy, and the politics of recognition.

Examines the impact of the loss of expectations of permanent employment and enduring family relationships on individuals today and explores how changes in the collective endeavor to provide security could help.Since 1973, the median family income in the United States has remained static, in marked contrast to the period from 1947 to 1973, when it actually doubled. Downsizing and corporate restructuring have produced widespread worries about employment, health-care coverage, and pension benefits. The American dream of a well-paid, permanent job, upward mobility, secure home ownership, and greater prosperity for one's children is for many today a remote, even romantic notion. Perhaps equally unrealistic is the expectation of sharing the American dream with the same marriage partner for all of one's adulthood.The New Insecurity contrasts this new insecurity with a more secure past, when there were career ladders, factories stayed at home, and marriages lasted. But it also places it in a wider historical context, tracing it back to the docile bodies of Michel Foucault and the constant minds of Gerhard Oestreich at the very beginnings of the modern army. "Fight, don't flee," the command given then, has changed, according to the advice of business manuals today, to "don't stay too long" and "keep your options open." Jerald Wallulis offers a framework for understanding this individual uncertainty, arguing that today's challenges to traditional life planning are not momentary, nor will the free-floating economic anxiety disappear when the next "real" economic recovery comes.But Wallulis also makes the case that the envied security of past generations did not depend on their prospects for long-term, full-time employment alone. It was also made possible by the development of social insurance programs designed to provide protection against unemployment, disability, and old-age indigency. This book emphasizes the contribution of the "insurance state" to the achievement of individual security and explores how programs of income assistance could protect the individual against the strong income fluctuations so prevalent in the new job market.

Examines the impact of the loss of expectations of permanent employment and enduring family relationships on individuals today and explores how changes in the collective endeavor to provide security could help.Since 1973, the median family income in the United States has remained static, in marked contrast to the period from 1947 to 1973, when it actually doubled. Downsizing and corporate restructuring have produced widespread worries about employment, health-care coverage, and pension benefits. The American dream of a well-paid, permanent job, upward mobility, secure home ownership, and greater prosperity for one's children is for many today a remote, even romantic notion. Perhaps equally unrealistic is the expectation of sharing the American dream with the same marriage partner for all of one's adulthood.The New Insecurity contrasts this new insecurity with a more secure past, when there were career ladders, factories stayed at home, and marriages lasted. But it also places it in a wider historical context, tracing it back to the docile bodies of Michel Foucault and the constant minds of Gerhard Oestreich at the very beginnings of the modern army. "Fight, don't flee," the command given then, has changed, according to the advice of business manuals today, to "don't stay too long" and "keep your options open." Jerald Wallulis offers a framework for understanding this individual uncertainty, arguing that today's challenges to traditional life planning are not momentary, nor will the free-floating economic anxiety disappear when the next "real" economic recovery comes.But Wallulis also makes the case that the envied security of past generations did not depend on their prospects for long-term, full-time employment alone. It was also made possible by the development of social insurance programs designed to provide protection against unemployment, disability, and old-age indigency. This book emphasizes the contribution of the "insurance state" to the achievement of individual security and explores how programs of income assistance could protect the individual against the strong income fluctuations so prevalent in the new job market.

Shows how Kant's basic position applies to and clarifies present-day problems of war, race, abortion, capital punishment, labor relations, the environment, and marriage.In Autonomy and Community, contemporary Kant scholars apply Kant's moral and political views to current social issues, examining contemporary topics through the lenses of various recent Kantian approaches to issues in ethical, political, and social philosophy. The articles, written with a minimum of technical language, engage current social problems directly, demonstrating the possibility of diverse applications of Kant's views.The authors, reaching well beyond the realm of academic philosophy, apply Kant's moral and political views to contemporary social concerns both general and specific. Under the first heading are chapters presenting readings of Kant's social theory and theory of human history, the relationship of moral practice to the social contract, Kant's theory of civic duty, and the relevance of Kantian philosophy to contemporary feminist theory. In Part II, more specific issues of contemporary interest are explored: war, international relations, race and ethnicity questions, abortion, capital punishment, environmental ethics, labor relations, and the nature of the institution of marriage. Taken as a whole, Autonomy and Community shows that Kantianism offers a social vision that goes far beyond Kant's well-known abstract theory.[Contributors to the book include Sharon Anderson-Gold, Thomas Auxter, Susan Feldman, Gerald F. Gaus, Charles W. Mills, Nelson Potter, Philip Rossi, Robin May Schott, Harry van der Linden, Hollyn L. Wilson, Robert Paul Wolff, and Allen W. Wood.]

Provides a comprehensive and systematic family ethic, addressing major issues fueling the family values debate.The Just Family presents a comprehensive and systematic theory of family values, determining both how marriage and parent-child relations should be structured as ethical institutions of freedom and how the rights and duties of family membership can be upheld in unity with social and political justice.

Provides a comprehensive and systematic family ethic, addressing major issues fueling the family values debate.The Just Family presents a comprehensive and systematic theory of family values, determining both how marriage and parent-child relations should be structured as ethical institutions of freedom and how the rights and duties of family membership can be upheld in unity with social and political justice.

Explores the political implications of Habermas's theory of discourse ethics through a resurrection of its radical potential when applied to participants in decision-making groups.By focusing the various difficulties encountered in applying theory to practical concerns, this book explores the reasons for the absence of a radical politics in Habermas's work. In doing so, it shows that certain political implications of the theory remain unexplored. The book articulates a unique application of Habermasian theory, the actual functioning of decision-making groups, the nature of deliberative interaction, and the kinds of judgments participants must make if they are to preserve their democratic process.

A defense of liberalism, understood as a perfectionist doctrine that presupposes an ideal but controversial notion of human well-being.Drawing on recent developments in liberal theory, Bert van den Brink develops an alternative defense of liberalism. He argues that liberal theorists should admit that their doctrine is not neutral with regard to conceptions of the good life-that it in fact fosters ideals of personal autonomy and a pluralist environment. These ideals generate irreconcilable, tragic conflicts between liberal and nonliberal ideals, and it is only by taking these conflicts seriously that liberals can learn of the unwanted consequences of liberal doctrine, effectively rebut critics, and react adequately to the complex pluralism of contemporary societies.

A defense of liberalism, understood as a perfectionist doctrine that presupposes an ideal but controversial notion of human well-being.Drawing on recent developments in liberal theory, Bert van den Brink develops an alternative defense of liberalism. He argues that liberal theorists should admit that their doctrine is not neutral with regard to conceptions of the good life-that it in fact fosters ideals of personal autonomy and a pluralist environment. These ideals generate irreconcilable, tragic conflicts between liberal and nonliberal ideals, and it is only by taking these conflicts seriously that liberals can learn of the unwanted consequences of liberal doctrine, effectively rebut critics, and react adequately to the complex pluralism of contemporary societies.

Assesses linguistic versus aesthetic visions of critical theory and their capacity to contribute to the analysis of contemporary democratic society.Contrasting aesthetic versus linguistic centered visions for critical theory and the analysis of contemporary democratic theory and society, Martin Morris draws special attention to the concept of communicative freedom. He problematizes the paradigm shift within critical theory from the "philosophy of the subject" to the communicative action theory championed by Jürgen Habermas by opposing Habermas's reconstruction of critical theory to that of Theodor W. Adorno.

Discusses the reasons for the decline of the cultural influence of psychoanalysis.Freud, Psychoanalysis, Social Theory explores the parallel decline of psychoanalysis which, as psychoanalysts themselves testify, has lost its position as a vital source for innovative cultural analysis and critique, and mainstream social science, which has for methodological reasons similarly abandoned larger interpretive goals. Theory in all domains faces a central paradox: it is easier for societies to absorb and contain the multiple perspectives and disparate intentions of people acting in the context of different social locations than it is for theorists from any perspective to explain credibly how it happens. Weinstein uses the conflicts between and among the many competing visions of psychoanalytic theory to suggest how this paradox might yet be resolved.

Discusses the reasons for the decline of the cultural influence of psychoanalysis.Freud, Psychoanalysis, Social Theory explores the parallel decline of psychoanalysis which, as psychoanalysts themselves testify, has lost its position as a vital source for innovative cultural analysis and critique, and mainstream social science, which has for methodological reasons similarly abandoned larger interpretive goals. Theory in all domains faces a central paradox: it is easier for societies to absorb and contain the multiple perspectives and disparate intentions of people acting in the context of different social locations than it is for theorists from any perspective to explain credibly how it happens. Weinstein uses the conflicts between and among the many competing visions of psychoanalytic theory to suggest how this paradox might yet be resolved.

Examines issues in legal and democratic theory found in the work of Jürgen Habermas.Discourse and Democracy offers a variety of perspectives by an international group of scholars on Jürgen Habermas's Between Facts and Norms. The collection presents not just a summary of Habermas's own views, but locates him with respect to modern and contemporary moral, political, and legal theory. The result is a volume useful to those first approaching Habermas's thought as well as those already familiar with its general outlines.

Sees Rousseau as the father of Counter-Enlightenment thought.Arguing that the question of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's relationship to the Enlightenment has been eclipsed and seriously distorted by his association with the French Revolution, Graeme Garrard presents the first book-length case that shows Rousseau as the pivotal figure in the emergence of Counter-Enlightenment thought. Viewed in the context in which he actually lived and wrote-from the middle of the eighteenth century to his death in 1778-it is apparent that Rousseau categorically rejected the Enlightenment "republic of letters" in favor of his own "republic of virtue." The philosophes, placing faith in reason and natural human sociability and subjecting religion to systematic criticism and doubt, naively minimized the deep tensions and complexities of collective life and the power disintegrative forces posed to social order. Rousseau believed that the ever precarious social order could only be achieved artificially, by manufacturing "sentiments of sociability," reshaping individuals to identify with common interests instead of their own selfish interests.