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    1. Språk och ordböcker
    2. Språkvetenskap och lingvistik

    Reflexes of Syllabic Liquids in Ancient Greek

    Linguistic Prehistory of the Greek Dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache

    AvLucien van Beek

    Inbunden, Engelska, 2021

    Del 22 i serien Leiden Studies in Indo-European

    3 096 kr

    Beställningsvara. Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar. Fri frakt över 249 kr.

    Beskrivning

    How can we explain metrical irregularities in Homeric phrases like ἀνδροτῆτα καὶ ἥβην? What do such phrases tell us about the antiquity of the epic tradition? And how did doublet forms such as τέτρατος beside τέταρτος originate?In this book, you will find the first systematic and complete account of the syllabic liquids in Ancient Greek. It provides an up-to-date, comprehensive and innovative etymological treatment of material from all dialects, including Mycenaean. A new model of linguistic change in the epic tradition is used to tackle two hotly-debated problems: metrical irregularities in Homer (including muta cum liquida) and the double reflex. The proposed solution has important consequences for Greek dialect classification and the prehistory of Epic language and meter.

    Produktinformation

    • Utgivningsdatum:2021-11-11
    • Mått:155 x 235 x 42 mm
    • Vikt:1 098 g
    • Format:Inbunden
    • Språk:Engelska
    • Serie:Leiden Studies in Indo-European
    • Antal sidor:564
    • Förlag:Brill
    • ISBN:9789004469730

    Utforska kategorier

    • Språkvetenskap och lingvistik inom Språk och ordböcker

    Mer om författaren

    Lucien van Beek, Ph.D. (2013), Leiden University, is Assistant Professor at Leiden University Centre for Linguistics. He has assisted in Beekes’ Etymological Dictionary of Greek (Brill, 2010) and published extensively on Ancient Greek and Indo-European linguistics, etymology, and lexicography.

    Innehållsförteckning

    • AcknowledgmentsPrefaceList of TablesAbbreviations and Conventions1 The Greek Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥Introduction1.1 The Problem and Its Relevance1.2 Environments with a Common Greek or Proto-Greek Reflex αρ, αλ1.3 The o- and u-Colored Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥ in the Environment *C_T1.4 Previous Accounts of - versus - in Ionic-Attic1.5 Accounting for *r̥ > -1.6 Outlook2 Mycenaean Reflexes of *r̥ and the Numeral ‘Four’Introduction2.1 Preliminary Remarks on the Use of Personal Names2.2 An a-Colored Reflex in Mycenaean?2.3 Evidence for an o-Colored Reflex2.4 o-Series versus a-Series Spellings2.5 Explaining the Orthographic Variation between ⟨Co-⟩ and ⟨Co-ro-⟩2.6 Ion.-Att. τέταρτος and an Early Simplification of *-tu̯- before *r̥2.7 A New Account of Myc. qe-to-ro- and Ion.-Att. τετρα τέτρατος2.8 Conclusions regarding Mycenaean3 Reflexes of *r̥ in the Alphabetic DialectsIntroduction3.1 The Alleged Cretan Liquid Metathesis3.2 Other West Greek Dialects3.3 The Aeolic Dialects3.4 Arcado-Cyprian3.5 Pamphylian3.6 Conclusions4 Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥ in ‘Caland’ FormationsIntroduction4.1 The Root Vocalism of Caland Formations in Greek and PIE4.2 Analogical Reshaping and Re-derivation4.3 Reflexes of *r̥ and *l̥ in the u-Stem Adjectives4.4 *βλαδύς versus ἀμαλδύνω4.5 θρασύς versus θαρσύνω4.6 Conclusions5 Reflexes of *r̥ in καρτερός, κράτος and Related FormsIntroduction5.1 Semantics and Etymology5.2 The Allomorphy of κρατ- and καρτ- in Homer and Classical Greek5.3 Conclusions concerning the Vocalization of *r̥6 Reflexes of *r̥ and muta cum liquida in Epic GreekIntroduction6.1 The Reflex - and the Metrical Behavior of κραδίη6.2 Muta cum liquida Scansions in Homer6.3 Wathelet’s Proposal for the Origin of McL in Homer6.4 Criticism of Wathelet’s Scenario6.5 Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence for McL in Homer6.6 Avoidance of McL Scansion in Epic Greek6.7 Epic *r̥: - Is the Regular Reflex of Artificially Retained *r̥6.8 The Evidence for - from Epic *r̥6.9 Less Certain Evidence for Epic *r̥6.10 Nonce Formations with - in Epic Greek6.11 Conclusions7 Epic Forms with -Introduction7.1 The Dialectal Origin of Forms with -7.2 -ρο- as a Conditioned Reflex of Epic *r̥7.3 Other Forms with -7.4 Conclusions8 The Reflexes - and - in Aorist StemsIntroduction8.1 The Evidence8.2 The Regular Development *r̥ > - in the Thematic Aorist8.3 The Pattern of Attestation of the Thematic Aorists with -8.4 Epic *r̥ in the Thematic Aorist?8.5 Pindaric δρακέντ-8.6 Conclusions9 Remaining Issues Concerning *r̥Introduction9.1 The Development of *-r̥s- in Ionic-Attic9.2 Verbs with a Non-ablauting Root CraC-9.3 An o-Colored Reflex in Attic?9.4 The Development of *r̥n9.5 Word-Final *-r̥9.6 Further Potential Evidence for - < *r̥9.7 Evidence for - and - Left out of Consideration10 The Reflexes of *l̥Introduction10.1 Unknown, Doubtful, or Uncertain Etymologies10.2 Cases of - and - Influenced by a Full Grade Form10.3 The Pre-form Did Not Necessarily Contain *l̥10.4 Promising Evidence for *l̥ > -10.5 The Development of *l̥n10.6 Dialectal Evidence10.7 Conclusions on *l̥11 Relative ChronologyIntroduction11.1 The Vocalization of *r̥ as a late and dialectally different development11.2 Dating the Vocalization of *r̥ in Ionic-Attic11.3 Dating the Elimination of Epic *r̥11.4 Relative Chronology: Other Sound Changes11.5 Conclusions12 ConclusionIntroduction12.1 Philological Results and New Etymologies12.2 Regular Reflexes of PGr. *r̥ in Dialects Other than Ionic and Attic12.3 Special Reflexes of Proto-Greek *r̥12.4 The Reflexes of Proto-Greek *l̥12.5 The Double Reflex αρ versus ρα in Ionic-Attic12.6 The Prehistory of the Epic Tradition12.7 Relative Chronology and SubgroupingBibliographyIndex