KW – förlag

The book is a study of Confucius and the Confucian philosophy of being non-confrontationist, benevolent and with values such as filial piety and harmony. It covers an array of themes including Qufu: Confucius Country, Music and Poetry across China, Chinese Foreign Policy, Philosophy and China’s Legal System.

The book is beautifully illustrated as well as includes some enlightening photographs from the Confucius Museum in Qufu. It would be of direct interest to a variety of readers from Political /History/Sociology departments as well as the avid readers.

Please note: This book is co-published with KW Publishers, New Delhi. Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

The book is a study of Confucius and the Confucian philosophy of being non-confrontationist, benevolent and with values such as filial piety and harmony. It covers an array of themes including Qufu: Confucius Country, Music and Poetry across China, Chinese Foreign Policy, Philosophy and China’s Legal System.

The book is beautifully illustrated as well as includes some enlightening photographs from the Confucius Museum in Qufu. It would be of direct interest to a variety of readers from Political /History/Sociology departments as well as the avid readers.

Please note: This book is co-published with KW Publishers, New Delhi. Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

Jawaharlal Nehru being an architect of Indian polity, economy and foreign policy set the ball rolling. However, they have witnessed cataclysmic changes over a period of time. Indian polity has witnessed different waves of reorganisation of states, evolving democracy, spelling out of quasi-federal system and building a more inclusive political nation. Nehru set the agenda of economic development and framed the strategy of development accordingly. In this volume an attempt has made to have a fair understanding about Nehru by placing him in the context in which he worked and by taking into account the challenges that Post-Colonial India was facing during his time. However, the problems faced by the neo-liberal economy, and the challenges confronting Indian polity and foreign policy have again invoked the relevance of Nehruvian philosophy in contemporary India. The contributors to this volume have analysed the diverse aspects of Nehru’s thinking and the policies that flowed from it to understand their relevance in contemporary Indian, Asian and global context.

Note: T& F does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

Jawaharlal Nehru being an architect of Indian polity, economy and foreign policy set the ball rolling. However, they have witnessed cataclysmic changes over a period of time. Indian polity has witnessed different waves of reorganisation of states, evolving democracy, spelling out of quasi-federal system and building a more inclusive political nation. Nehru set the agenda of economic development and framed the strategy of development accordingly. In this volume an attempt has made to have a fair understanding about Nehru by placing him in the context in which he worked and by taking into account the challenges that Post-Colonial India was facing during his time. However, the problems faced by the neo-liberal economy, and the challenges confronting Indian polity and foreign policy have again invoked the relevance of Nehruvian philosophy in contemporary India. The contributors to this volume have analysed the diverse aspects of Nehru’s thinking and the policies that flowed from it to understand their relevance in contemporary Indian, Asian and global context.

Note: T& F does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

The centrality of the book is Gandhi''s disposition and orientation towards the idea of Jewish homeland. When it comes to Jews, Jewish nationalism and their aspirations in Palestine, even Mahatma Gandhi was not infallible. His abiding empathy for the Jews was negated by his limited understanding of Judaism and Jewish history. His perception of the Palestine issue and his support for the Arabs was rooted in the domestic Indian context. The conventional understanding that Gandhi was ‘consistently’ opposed to Zionism and the Jewish aspirations for a national home in Palestine does not correspond with his later remarks. While demanding Jewish non-violence both against Hitler and in Palestine, Mahatma was prepared to understand, the ‘excesses’ of the Arabs who were facing ‘overwhelming odds.’ His position on the domestic situation largely influenced his stand viz-à-viz Palestine and hence his demand for Jews to abandon their collaboration with imperialism and follow the path of negotiation should be read within the Indian context. So long as India pursued a recognition-without-relations policy toward Israel, one could rest on Gandhi’s shoulders and adopt a self-righteous attitude. However, can one rely on the Gandhian paradigm to explain India’s new-found bonhomie toward Israel without sounding selective, hypocritical or both?

The primary focus of this book is the explication of political constraints and oversensitivity towards the religious minority for political gains, which shaped Gandhi''s notion about the Jewish homeland. The author has conducted an empirical survey of the political, religious and strategic constraints behind Gandhi''s idea of the Jewish homeland that in common parlance is seen as an ardent disapproval of Zionism by Gandhi.

Please note: This title is co-published with KW Publishers, New Delhi. Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

The centrality of the book is Gandhi''s disposition and orientation towards the idea of Jewish homeland. When it comes to Jews, Jewish nationalism and their aspirations in Palestine, even Mahatma Gandhi was not infallible. His abiding empathy for the Jews was negated by his limited understanding of Judaism and Jewish history. His perception of the Palestine issue and his support for the Arabs was rooted in the domestic Indian context. The conventional understanding that Gandhi was ‘consistently’ opposed to Zionism and the Jewish aspirations for a national home in Palestine does not correspond with his later remarks. While demanding Jewish non-violence both against Hitler and in Palestine, Mahatma was prepared to understand, the ‘excesses’ of the Arabs who were facing ‘overwhelming odds.’ His position on the domestic situation largely influenced his stand viz-à-viz Palestine and hence his demand for Jews to abandon their collaboration with imperialism and follow the path of negotiation should be read within the Indian context. So long as India pursued a recognition-without-relations policy toward Israel, one could rest on Gandhi’s shoulders and adopt a self-righteous attitude. However, can one rely on the Gandhian paradigm to explain India’s new-found bonhomie toward Israel without sounding selective, hypocritical or both?

The primary focus of this book is the explication of political constraints and oversensitivity towards the religious minority for political gains, which shaped Gandhi''s notion about the Jewish homeland. The author has conducted an empirical survey of the political, religious and strategic constraints behind Gandhi''s idea of the Jewish homeland that in common parlance is seen as an ardent disapproval of Zionism by Gandhi.

Please note: This title is co-published with KW Publishers, New Delhi. Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is the best gift of the United Nations and its main human rights organ, the Human Rights Commission to “We, the Peoples of the World”. But that powerful instrument is often rendered powerless by the behaviour of individuals running the institutions and the states, arguably the most powerful institution conceptualised by human mind so far. In the process, the UN comes under serious criticism and its most important organ which helped give the UDHR was dissolved for “failing to live up to its ideals”. Ironically, the same states and their representatives most instrumental in creating the UN institutions, including the Human Rights Commission first but later vilifying it and leading the campaign for its replacement by the Human Rights Council are now once again attacking it as “hypocritical and self-serving organisation that makes a mockery of human rights” and the most powerful member state feels compelled to walk out of the Council. Where does the world, the UN and “we the peoples” stand in the search for greater freedom from want and fear, better enjoyment of dignity and rights?Travelling through an extraordinary journey of life, academic pursuits and expeditions of professional and diplomatic mountain climbing, including the Chairmanship of the 56th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights and its 5th Special Session on the Human Rights of the Palestinian People in the Occupied Palestine Territories, Shambhu Ram Simkhada presents a scholarly, diplomatic, advocate and defender perspectives on the contemporary state of human rights and human wrongs in the scale of his own human conscience.

Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is the best gift of the United Nations and its main human rights organ, the Human Rights Commission to “We, the Peoples of the World”. But that powerful instrument is often rendered powerless by the behaviour of individuals running the institutions and the states, arguably the most powerful institution conceptualised by human mind so far. In the process, the UN comes under serious criticism and its most important organ which helped give the UDHR was dissolved for “failing to live up to its ideals”. Ironically, the same states and their representatives most instrumental in creating the UN institutions, including the Human Rights Commission first but later vilifying it and leading the campaign for its replacement by the Human Rights Council are now once again attacking it as “hypocritical and self-serving organisation that makes a mockery of human rights” and the most powerful member state feels compelled to walk out of the Council. Where does the world, the UN and “we the peoples” stand in the search for greater freedom from want and fear, better enjoyment of dignity and rights?Travelling through an extraordinary journey of life, academic pursuits and expeditions of professional and diplomatic mountain climbing, including the Chairmanship of the 56th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights and its 5th Special Session on the Human Rights of the Palestinian People in the Occupied Palestine Territories, Shambhu Ram Simkhada presents a scholarly, diplomatic, advocate and defender perspectives on the contemporary state of human rights and human wrongs in the scale of his own human conscience.

Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

India’s relations with China are at a crossroads. Apart from examining the complex and dynamic bilateral relations, it is equally important to highlight the nuances of China’s engagement with the countries in India’s neighbourhood and understand the strategic implications that arise for New Delhi.

Shantanu Roy-Chaudhury’s The China Factor explores Beijing’s political, economic, and defence relations with Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Myanmar, and weighs the dividends of the bilateral relationships to better comprehend the geopolitical subtleties in the region. The book subsequently draws out the implications for India, illuminates New Delhi’s engagement with its neighbours, and suggests policy recommendations for a way forward.

Drawing from diverse sources, including government documents and literature from India, China, and the countries being studied, along with interviews with serving and former officials, The China Factor offers a detailed investigation into China’s engagement with India’s neighbourhood, which necessitates a deeper understanding as New Delhi manoeuvres the tectonic shifts in its external environment.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan).

India’s relations with China are at a crossroads. Apart from examining the complex and dynamic bilateral relations, it is equally important to highlight the nuances of China’s engagement with the countries in India’s neighbourhood and understand the strategic implications that arise for New Delhi.

Shantanu Roy-Chaudhury’s The China Factor explores Beijing’s political, economic, and defence relations with Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh, and Myanmar, and weighs the dividends of the bilateral relationships to better comprehend the geopolitical subtleties in the region. The book subsequently draws out the implications for India, illuminates New Delhi’s engagement with its neighbours, and suggests policy recommendations for a way forward.

Drawing from diverse sources, including government documents and literature from India, China, and the countries being studied, along with interviews with serving and former officials, The China Factor offers a detailed investigation into China’s engagement with India’s neighbourhood, which necessitates a deeper understanding as New Delhi manoeuvres the tectonic shifts in its external environment.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan).

Afghanistan is on the verge of another transition as it seeks stability and deals with a variety of internal and external issues. After the Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist organisation, captured Kabul, Afghanistan’s capital, on August 15, 2021. It was the culmination of a military offensive against the Afghan government that began in May 2021. The arrest occurred just hours after President Ashraf Ghani fled the country. The majority of Afghanistan’s provincial capitals had fallen one after the other as part of a US troop withdrawal scheduled to end on August 31, 2021. Internal political turmoil, constant Taliban attacks across the country, and deadly suicide bombings by the Islamic State-Khorasan keep it busy while external nations play the New Great Game for geo-strategic ambitions both in its front yard and in its backyard. This book highlights all the ongoing issues of Afghanistan’s surge and provides the readers with insights into the country’s past, present and future.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan).

Afghanistan is on the verge of another transition as it seeks stability and deals with a variety of internal and external issues. After the Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist organisation, captured Kabul, Afghanistan’s capital, on August 15, 2021. It was the culmination of a military offensive against the Afghan government that began in May 2021. The arrest occurred just hours after President Ashraf Ghani fled the country. The majority of Afghanistan’s provincial capitals had fallen one after the other as part of a US troop withdrawal scheduled to end on August 31, 2021. Internal political turmoil, constant Taliban attacks across the country, and deadly suicide bombings by the Islamic State-Khorasan keep it busy while external nations play the New Great Game for geo-strategic ambitions both in its front yard and in its backyard. This book highlights all the ongoing issues of Afghanistan’s surge and provides the readers with insights into the country’s past, present and future.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan).

This volume examines themes like contemporary factors shaping the emergence of the Bay of Bengal region as a critical strategic theatre in Indian foreign policy; the inter-connectedness of the Indian and Pacific Oceans; the importance of oceans to security and commerce and India’s role within the broader region; the twenty-first century maritime Silk Road and Indian alternatives and the possibilities of reconnecting disconnected spaces through re-imagining a Bay of Bengal Community. In this connection the volume takes particular note of the emerging regional cooperative order for the promotion of peace and development in the Bay of Bengal region (BIMSTEC). The volume brings together historians, political analysts and political economists to emphasize the interconnectedness of the oceanic space through a detailed analysis of the Bay of Bengal as a space of strategic and economic significance, particularly for India, but also as a space for re-imagining a new regional community.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan).

This volume examines themes like contemporary factors shaping the emergence of the Bay of Bengal region as a critical strategic theatre in Indian foreign policy; the inter-connectedness of the Indian and Pacific Oceans; the importance of oceans to security and commerce and India’s role within the broader region; the twenty-first century maritime Silk Road and Indian alternatives and the possibilities of reconnecting disconnected spaces through re-imagining a Bay of Bengal Community. In this connection the volume takes particular note of the emerging regional cooperative order for the promotion of peace and development in the Bay of Bengal region (BIMSTEC). The volume brings together historians, political analysts and political economists to emphasize the interconnectedness of the oceanic space through a detailed analysis of the Bay of Bengal as a space of strategic and economic significance, particularly for India, but also as a space for re-imagining a new regional community.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan).

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been an obscure concept, and it remains difficult to distinguish what BRI is and isn’t, making it difficult for many governments and global corporations to properly participate in it. I am delighted to present the opinions and perspectives of many eminent researchers, professors and experts from various countries on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The book contains 11 chapters which are written by distinguished researchers and practitioners from various parts of Asia. While these 11 chapters discuss the many characteristics of the BRI, including advantages and costs, they also convey the lessons that many other Southeast Asian countries have learned. Each chapter offers valueable lessons to the countries that have yet to participate in the initiatives.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is completing a decade. There have been varied responses to the Initiative from countries and regions besides the emergence of alternative initiatives and narratives. This sets the stage for evaluating the robustness of the Initiative, its implementation as well as its implications from the perspective of individual countries and regions across the globe.

This book begins by examining China’s domestic, economic, maritime and strategic interests as drivers for the Initiative. BRI has been analysed in country-specific, regional and continental contexts. It brings out the experiences and responses from South Asia, Eurasia, East Asia, Southeast Asia, the Arab world, Latin America, the Caribbean as well as from Europe and Africa. Further, BRI has been studied in the larger context of the US-China competition. The final section explores BRI in the context of the twin challenges of recent times, i.e., the pandemic and Russia-Ukraine conflict. The book concludes with an epilogue which outlines the broad trends related to BRI that have emerged from this study of ICWA.

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been an obscure concept, and it remains difficult to distinguish what BRI is and isn’t, making it difficult for many governments and global corporations to properly participate in it. I am delighted to present the opinions and perspectives of many eminent researchers, professors and experts from various countries on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The book contains 11 chapters which are written by distinguished researchers and practitioners from various parts of Asia. While these 11 chapters discuss the many characteristics of the BRI, including advantages and costs, they also convey the lessons that many other Southeast Asian countries have learned. Each chapter offers valueable lessons to the countries that have yet to participate in the initiatives.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is completing a decade. There have been varied responses to the Initiative from countries and regions besides the emergence of alternative initiatives and narratives. This sets the stage for evaluating the robustness of the Initiative, its implementation as well as its implications from the perspective of individual countries and regions across the globe.

This book begins by examining China’s domestic, economic, maritime and strategic interests as drivers for the Initiative. BRI has been analysed in country-specific, regional and continental contexts. It brings out the experiences and responses from South Asia, Eurasia, East Asia, Southeast Asia, the Arab world, Latin America, the Caribbean as well as from Europe and Africa. Further, BRI has been studied in the larger context of the US-China competition. The final section explores BRI in the context of the twin challenges of recent times, i.e., the pandemic and Russia-Ukraine conflict. The book concludes with an epilogue which outlines the broad trends related to BRI that have emerged from this study of ICWA.

Like shifting sands of a desert, the global nuclear landscape changes every few years across its three main constituents - nuclear energy, non-proliferation and disarmament. Each of these has seen phases of cautious optimism, deep scepticism and outright pessimism over the last two decades. This book offers a bird’s eye view on all the three, even as the individual authors offer a worm’s eye view on each specific topic within the larger ambit.

The first section of the book examines developments in the nuclear energy sector. A broad-brush scan of the contemporary drivers and challenges for nuclear energy at a global level, as also that of India, reveals a positive trend line. There is also cautious optimism around the concept, developments and prospects of small modular reactors. It remains to be seen how effectively and quikcly licensing and regulation issues are resolved for the new concepts to become commericially viable.

The second part of the book is devoted to non-proliferation. Vertical nucluear and missile proliferation amongst nuclear armed states, and horizontal proliferation cases of Iran and possibilities in East Asia are considered. Nuclear terrorism and the state of the NPT are also examined. Collectively, these issues reflect a mood of pessimism on non-proliferation at this juncture.

Neither is there much to cheer on nuclear disarmament. The last section of the book examines the consequences of use of nuclear weapons, concepts of CBMs and arms control, and recent disarmament initiatives. A tentative exploration of the prospects of disarmament in the wake of Russia-Ukraine conflict is also undertaken. A hope that good sense will prevail, and fear that it might not, seem to coexist at this moment.

It is in India''s interest to proactively shape the landscape across these three elements. The book seeks to provide the basis to do so.

The region of the Middle East is beset with a structural crisis of which particular crises confronting the component countries happen to be merely subsets. The real questions revolve round the issue of how long can the present dispensations of power and social structures in the region forged in the twentieth century (first half or second) can last in the twenty-first, when they no longer reflect the realities on the ground.

This volume aims to look at some of the issues to see how the faultlines in the region appear in 2020 to both those in the region, and those outside it. The volume limits itself to only Levant and the Gulf and looks at the tensions within and policies (both foreign and domestic) of some of the key regional players which have regional repercussions. It also looks at the policies of some of the global players operating in the region that have bearing on the regional faultlines.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)

Like shifting sands of a desert, the global nuclear landscape changes every few years across its three main constituents - nuclear energy, non-proliferation and disarmament. Each of these has seen phases of cautious optimism, deep scepticism and outright pessimism over the last two decades. This book offers a bird’s eye view on all the three, even as the individual authors offer a worm’s eye view on each specific topic within the larger ambit.

The first section of the book examines developments in the nuclear energy sector. A broad-brush scan of the contemporary drivers and challenges for nuclear energy at a global level, as also that of India, reveals a positive trend line. There is also cautious optimism around the concept, developments and prospects of small modular reactors. It remains to be seen how effectively and quikcly licensing and regulation issues are resolved for the new concepts to become commericially viable.

The second part of the book is devoted to non-proliferation. Vertical nucluear and missile proliferation amongst nuclear armed states, and horizontal proliferation cases of Iran and possibilities in East Asia are considered. Nuclear terrorism and the state of the NPT are also examined. Collectively, these issues reflect a mood of pessimism on non-proliferation at this juncture.

Neither is there much to cheer on nuclear disarmament. The last section of the book examines the consequences of use of nuclear weapons, concepts of CBMs and arms control, and recent disarmament initiatives. A tentative exploration of the prospects of disarmament in the wake of Russia-Ukraine conflict is also undertaken. A hope that good sense will prevail, and fear that it might not, seem to coexist at this moment.

It is in India''s interest to proactively shape the landscape across these three elements. The book seeks to provide the basis to do so.

The region of the Middle East is beset with a structural crisis of which particular crises confronting the component countries happen to be merely subsets. The real questions revolve round the issue of how long can the present dispensations of power and social structures in the region forged in the twentieth century (first half or second) can last in the twenty-first, when they no longer reflect the realities on the ground.

This volume aims to look at some of the issues to see how the faultlines in the region appear in 2020 to both those in the region, and those outside it. The volume limits itself to only Levant and the Gulf and looks at the tensions within and policies (both foreign and domestic) of some of the key regional players which have regional repercussions. It also looks at the policies of some of the global players operating in the region that have bearing on the regional faultlines.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)

This book assembles main contributions to an alternative explanation of globalisation and the political economic structures of the international system.

As the result of capitalism, globalisation does not transfer basic capitalist structures from the Centre to the Periphery. Capitalism is based on rising mass incomes that create investment opportunities and, thus, the possibility of profit. A structurally homogeneous and ultraimperialist Centre dominates a deeply fissured Periphery of structurally heterogeneous societies and economies. Capitalism penetrates underdeveloped regions and deforms them through rent, which obstructs expanding internal mass markets while labour goes unempowered. Rent constitutes the basis for state operations and the role of emerging state classes. While globalisation disempowers labour in both the West and in the South, it has given new comparative advantage to the South. The shift from rent appropriation in the South via raw material exports to export-led manufacturing is based on devaluation below purchasing power parity and, hence, on a rent from agriculture that is based on the Green Revolution. Its impact is, however, not always sufficient to compensate for the loss of influence experienced by social reformist forces. A novel multipolar system based on the balance power has emerged. Mutliethnic empires are held together with large varieties of however always identitarian ideologies. This global system is composed of powers that are internally and externally opposed to peaceful change. Across the globe, there is an impending danger of globalisation of rent.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)

This book assembles main contributions to an alternative explanation of globalisation and the political economic structures of the international system.

As the result of capitalism, globalisation does not transfer basic capitalist structures from the Centre to the Periphery. Capitalism is based on rising mass incomes that create investment opportunities and, thus, the possibility of profit. A structurally homogeneous and ultraimperialist Centre dominates a deeply fissured Periphery of structurally heterogeneous societies and economies. Capitalism penetrates underdeveloped regions and deforms them through rent, which obstructs expanding internal mass markets while labour goes unempowered. Rent constitutes the basis for state operations and the role of emerging state classes. While globalisation disempowers labour in both the West and in the South, it has given new comparative advantage to the South. The shift from rent appropriation in the South via raw material exports to export-led manufacturing is based on devaluation below purchasing power parity and, hence, on a rent from agriculture that is based on the Green Revolution. Its impact is, however, not always sufficient to compensate for the loss of influence experienced by social reformist forces. A novel multipolar system based on the balance power has emerged. Mutliethnic empires are held together with large varieties of however always identitarian ideologies. This global system is composed of powers that are internally and externally opposed to peaceful change. Across the globe, there is an impending danger of globalisation of rent.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)

In the last decade, addressing the persistent problem of maternal, infant, young child and adolescent malnutrition in India has gained significant attention. With the well-established serious implications of malnutrition on mortality and morbidity; mental health and cognitive development; activity and productivity and overall economic development, today there is an unprecedented political commitment to improving the grave woman and child nutrition scenario in the country. POSHAN ABHIYAAN (Nutrition Mission) was launched in a Mission mode by the Honourable Prime Minister of India on March 8, 2018, followed by measures for an effective implementation of an integrated nutrition strategy through POSHAN 2.0 in 2022. The book with 15 chapters tracks the history of evolvement of public nutrition policies and strategies, presents an update on the nutrition scenario, analyses the experiences and synthesises emerging lessons in the prevention and control of malnutrition. Additionally, the book includes chapters with details of each of the various government systems such as Health, ICDS, NRLM, PDS, Education/MDM, Water-Sanitation that provide lead in mainstreaming nutrition actions that directly or indirectly impact on accelerating the improvement of the nutrition situation of women, adolescents and children.

The book is intended to be an indispensable reference for teachers and students of nutrition, community medicine, public health and development as well as professionals involved in the formulation and implementation of the nutrition policies and programmes.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)

In the last decade, addressing the persistent problem of maternal, infant, young child and adolescent malnutrition in India has gained significant attention. With the well-established serious implications of malnutrition on mortality and morbidity; mental health and cognitive development; activity and productivity and overall economic development, today there is an unprecedented political commitment to improving the grave woman and child nutrition scenario in the country. POSHAN ABHIYAAN (Nutrition Mission) was launched in a Mission mode by the Honourable Prime Minister of India on March 8, 2018, followed by measures for an effective implementation of an integrated nutrition strategy through POSHAN 2.0 in 2022. The book with 15 chapters tracks the history of evolvement of public nutrition policies and strategies, presents an update on the nutrition scenario, analyses the experiences and synthesises emerging lessons in the prevention and control of malnutrition. Additionally, the book includes chapters with details of each of the various government systems such as Health, ICDS, NRLM, PDS, Education/MDM, Water-Sanitation that provide lead in mainstreaming nutrition actions that directly or indirectly impact on accelerating the improvement of the nutrition situation of women, adolescents and children.

The book is intended to be an indispensable reference for teachers and students of nutrition, community medicine, public health and development as well as professionals involved in the formulation and implementation of the nutrition policies and programmes.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)

The essays in this edited volume seek to understand the regional and international ramifications of the wave of protest demonstrations that swept across West Asia and North Africa in the early 2010s, both on the ground and online. Dissatisfaction with political repression and corruption, economic difficulties and inequities, and a desire for freedom and democracy all played a role in the Arab Spring uprisings. It deposed long-standing dictatorships, ushering in a period of insecurity and instability that would have long-term consequences for the region''s political economy and international relations. Although the protests have ended, the legacy of that turbulent era will live on, most notably in the acceleration of regional change and transformation.

Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)