Berliner Studien Zur Politik in Afrika – serie

This study sends the reader on an exciting journey into social and political life in Africa. It gives space to the voices of Tanzanian villagers, rural associations, branches of political parties and local government officers and their views of socio-economic and political change during the 1990s. This authentic picture is combined with a thorough sociological and political economy analysis showing the dynamics in the relations between state components and social forces in the context of neo-liberal globalization. The book is not only attractive as a country case study. It contains a deep analysis of the paradigmatic shift of African political systems from post-colonial rule to governance in response to neo-liberalism and provides new insights in processes of political transformation.

Das Buch untersucht die Entwicklungspotenziale des kommunalen Tourismus in Namibia. Es wird analysiert, inwiefern das Community Based Natural Resource Management zur Armutsbekämpfung beitragen kann. Dabei deckt der Autor auf, wie Interessen des Staates, der Geber und Nichtregierungsorganisationen ein Empowerment der Armen verhindern.

Why was the slum upgrading project in Kibera, Kenya, facing resistance? This study uses both qualitative and quantitative methods in data collection to reveal that politics revolving around the interests of local politicians, slum dwellers and business operators as well as external players such as NGOs hamper successful implementation of the slum upgrading project Kenya Slum Upgrading Program in Kibera. The key obstacles include poverty, corruption, tribalism, political interpretation of the project aims, bureaucracy, slum oriented businesses (kadogo economy) as well as NGO activity and youth unemployment.

This comparative case study addresses central determinants of inequalities that persist in India and South Africa. The particular focus of the study is on programs aiming at the redistribution of land to the landless poor and these programs’ consequences. The central question is why extreme inequalities persist despite land redistribution programs that have been in place for decades and what role different actors and dominant ideas play in this. Beyond this empirical focus, the study transcends theoretical cleavages in the social sciences by following the basic ideas of Giddens’ Structurational Theory. An actor-centred approach is chosen as the primary tool for analysis. It is complemented with a structurational approach to discourse analysis for a detailed analysis of actors’ preferences.

Depuis la fin de la décennie 1990 jusqu’au moment de la publication de ce livre, la République Démocratique du Congo est secouée par des guerres récurrentes. La littérature sur cette instabilité a retenu trois causes unilatéralement crispées sur un élément explicatif : la guerre pour le contrôle des ressources, les conflits intercommunautaires ainsi que les conflits régionaux dans la région des Grands lacs africains. En explicitant le présupposé de ces approches qu’il surmonte par l’approche institutionnelle, ce livre met en exergue le facteur essentiel à l’origine du mal congolais et propose des politiques publiques susceptibles d’y remédier.

From the perspective of conflict theory, this book offers a comprehensive, multi-causal, and multi-level analysis of the Nubian issue in Egypt. Utilizing qualitative research methods, it delves into the origins and evolving dynamics of the Nubian issue. In doing so, the book explores avenues for peaceful conflict transformation. Beyond providing causal explanations, it achieves a deeper understanding of the historical context and the various levels (group, state, regional, and global) involved in the Nubian issue, as well as the perceptions, strategies, and actions of the conflicting parties.

Helmut Strizek zieht eine erste politisch-historische Gesamtbilanz zum Internationalen Strafgerichtshof für Ruanda, dessen Mandat Ende 2014 nach zwanzigjähriger Tätigkeit auslief. Das ernüchternde Ergebnis lautet, dass das Gericht seinem Auftrag, einen Beitrag zur nationalen Versöhnung zu leisten, nicht gerecht wurde. Die Ausgangsthese der Planung des Tutsi-Völkermords durch Hutu-Extremisten hat das Gericht für nicht beweisbar erklärt, zudem beruhten die Urteile fast ausschließlich auf Aussagen von Zeugen aus dem «Siegerlager». Es wurden nur Hutu-Politiker hinter Schloss und Riegel gebracht, um mögliche Mitwirkungsansprüche beim Aufbau eines demokratischen Nach-Genozid-Staats auszuschließen. Die Kriegsverbrechen der siegreichen Ruandischen Patriotischen Front, der heutigen Staatspartei, wurden auf westlichen Druck hin nicht untersucht.