Nation Divided – serie

With The Weaker Sex in War, Kristen Brill shows how white women’s wartime experiences shaped Confederate political culture—and the ways in which Confederate political culture shaped their wartime experiences. These white women had become passionate supporters of independence to advance the cause of Southern nationalism and were used by Confederate leadership to advance the cause. These women, drawn from the middle and planter class, played an active, deliberate role in the effort. They became knowing and keen participants in shaping and circulating a gendered nationalist narrative, as both actors for and symbols of the Confederate cause. Through their performance of patriotic devotion, these women helped make gender central to the formation of Confederate national identity, to an extent previously unreckoned with by scholars of the Civil War era.In this important and original work, Brill weaves together individual women’s voices in the private sphere, collective organizations in civic society, and political ideology and policy in the political arena. A signal contribution to an increasingly rich vein of historiography, The Weaker Sex in War provides a definitive take on white women and political culture in the Confederacy.

With The Weaker Sex in War, Kristen Brill shows how white women’s wartime experiences shaped Confederate political culture-and the ways in which Confederate political culture shaped their wartime experiences. These white women had become passionate supporters of independence to advance the cause of Southern nationalism and were used by Confederate leadership to advance the cause. These women, drawn from the middle and planter class, played an active, deliberate role in the effort. They became knowing and keen participants in shaping and circulating a gendered nationalist narrative, as both actors for and symbols of the Confederate cause. Through their performance of patriotic devotion, these women helped make gender central to the formation of Confederate national identity, to an extent previously unreckoned with by scholars of the Civil War era.In this important and original work, Brill weaves together individual women’s voices in the private sphere, collective organizations in civic society, and political ideology and policy in the political arena. A signal contribution to an increasingly rich vein of historiography, The Weaker Sex in War provides a definitive take on white women and political culture in the Confederacy.

In April 1865, as the Civil War came to a close, Abraham Lincoln announced his support for voting rights for at least some of the newly freed enslaved people. Esteemed historian Paul Escott takes this milestone as an opportunity to explore popular sentiment in the North on this issue and, at the same time, to examine the vigorous efforts of Black leaders, in both North and South, to organize, demand, and work for their equal rights as citizens.As Escott reveals, there was in the spring of 1865 substantial and surprisingly general support for Black suffrage, most notably through the Republican Party, which had succeeded in linking the suffrage issue to the securing of the Union victory. This would be met with opposition, however, from Lincoln’s successor, Andrew Johnson, and, just as important, from a Democratic Party—including Northern Democrats—that had failed during the course of the war to shed its racism. The momentum for Black suffrage would be further threatened by conflicts within the Republican Party over the issue.Based on extensive research into Republican and Democratic newspapers, magazines, speeches, and addresses, Escott’s latest book illuminates the vigorous national debates in the pivotal year of 1865 over extending the franchise to all previously enslaved men—crucial debates that have not yet been examined in full—revealing both the nature and significance of growing support for Black suffrage and the depth of white racism that was its greatest obstacle.

In Preserving the White Man’s Republic, Joshua Lynn reveals how the national Democratic Party rebranded majoritarian democracy and liberal individualism as conservative means for white men in the South and North to preserve their mastery on the eve of the Civil War.Responding to fears of African American and female political agency, Democrats in the late 1840s and 1850s reinvented themselves as "conservatives" and repurposed Jacksonian Democracy as a tool for local majorities of white men to police racial and gender boundaries by democratically withholding rights. With the policy of "popular sovereignty," Democrats left slavery’s expansion to white men’s democratic decision-making. They also promised white men local democracy and individual autonomy regarding temperance, religion, and nativism. Translating white men’s household mastery into political power over all women and Americans of color, Democrats united white men nationwide and made democracy a conservative assertion of white manhood.Democrats thereby turned traditional Jacksonian principles—grassroots democracy, liberal individualism, and anti-statism—into staples of conservatism. As Lynn’s book shows, this movement sent conservatism on a new, populist trajectory, one in which democracy can be called upon to legitimize inequality and hierarchy, a uniquely American conservatism that endures in our republic today.

The Young Americans were a nationalist movement within the Democratic Party made up of writers and politicians associated with the New York periodical, the Democratic Review. In this revealing book, Mark Power Smith explores the ways in which–in dialogue with its critics–the movement forged contrasting visions of American nationalism in the decades leading up to the Civil War.Frustrated, fifty years after independence, by Britain’s political and cultural influence on the United States, the Young Americans drew on a wide variety of intellectual authorities—in the fields of literature, political science, phrenology and international law—to tie popular sovereignty for white men to the universalist idea of natural rights. The movement supported a noxious program of foreign interventionism, racial segregation, and cultural nationalism. What united these policies was a new view of national allegiance: one that saw democracy and free trade not as political privileges but as natural rights for white men.Despite its national reach, this view of the Union inadvertently turned Northern and Southern states against each other, helping to cultivate the conditions for the Civil War. In the end, the Young America movement was ultimately consumed by the sectional ideologies it had brought into being.

Leading politicians, diplomats, clerics, planters, farmers, manufacturers, and merchants preached a transformative, world-historical role for the Confederacy, persuading many of their compatriots to fight not merely to retain what they had but to gain their future empire. Impervious to reality, their vision of future world leadership-territorial, economic, political, and cultural-provided a vitally important, underappreciated motivation to form an independent Confederate republic.In Colossal Ambitions, Adrian Brettle explores how leading Confederate thinkers envisioned their postwar nation—its relationship with the United States, its place in the Americas, and its role in the global order. Brettle draws on rich caches of published and unpublished letters and diaries, Confederate national and state government documents, newspapers published in North America and England, conference proceedings, pamphlets, contemporary and scholarly articles, and more to engage the perspectives of not only modern historians but some of the most salient theorists of the Western World in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. An impressive and complex undertaking, Colossal Ambitions concludes that while some Confederate commentators saw wartime industrialization as pointing toward a different economic future, most Confederates saw their society as revolving once more around coercive labor, staple crop production, and exports in the war’s wake.

How did white Southerners in the nineteenth century reconcile a Christian faith that instructed them to turn the other cheek with a pervasive code of honour that instructed them to do just the opposite--to demand satisfaction for perceived insults? In Edgefield, South Carolina, in the 1830s, white Southerners combined these seemingly antithetical ideals to forge a new compound: a wrathful moral ethic of righteous honour. Dueling Cultures, Damnable Legacies investigates the formation and proliferation of this white supremacist ideology that merged masculine bellicosity with religious devotion.In 1856, when Edgefield native Preston Smith Brooks viciously beat the abolitionist Charles Sumner on the Senate floor, the ideology of righteous honour reached its apogee and took national centre stage. Welborn analyses the birth of this peculiar moral ethic in Edgefield and traces its increasing dominance across the American South in the build-up to the Civil War, as white Southerners sought to cloak a war fought in defense of slavery in the language of honour and Christian piety.

How did white Southerners in the nineteenth century reconcile a Christian faith that instructed them to turn the other cheek with a pervasive code of honour that instructed them to do just the opposite--to demand satisfaction for perceived insults? In Edgefield, South Carolina, in the 1830s, white Southerners combined these seemingly antithetical ideals to forge a new compound: a wrathful moral ethic of righteous honour. Dueling Cultures, Damnable Legacies investigates the formation and proliferation of this white supremacist ideology that merged masculine bellicosity with religious devotion.In 1856, when Edgefield native Preston Smith Brooks viciously beat the abolitionist Charles Sumner on the Senate floor, the ideology of righteous honour reached its apogee and took national centre stage. Welborn analyses the birth of this peculiar moral ethic in Edgefield and traces its increasing dominance across the American South in the build-up to the Civil War, as white Southerners sought to cloak a war fought in defense of slavery in the language of honour and Christian piety.

Modeling his latest book on Richard Hofstadter’s 1948 classic The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It, the renowned historian Paul Escott has composed ten concise but deeply learned and incisive biographies of key Americans in the years leading up to the Civil War. Escott profiles Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Frederick Douglass, Stephen A. Douglas, Jefferson Davis, Abraham Lincoln, Horace Greeley, Albion Tourgée, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, illustrating how these men and women established, embodied, and advanced the opposing political and cultural trends that culminated in the great crisis of the nineteenth century.Covering figures from across a wide political spectrum, Escott reveals numerous streams and facets of nineteenth-century American political thought to illuminate the forces, from slavery to suffrage, underlying this greatest of conflicts. Written accessibly and with a magisterial command of the subject, The Civil War Political Tradition is both a perfect introduction to this history and a penetrating new meditation on its players.

Modeling his latest book on Richard Hofstadter’s 1948 classic The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It, the renowned historian Paul Escott has composed ten concise but deeply learned and incisive biographies of key Americans in the years leading up to the Civil War. Escott profiles Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Frederick Douglass, Stephen A. Douglas, Jefferson Davis, Abraham Lincoln, Horace Greeley, Albion Tourgée, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, illustrating how these men and women established, embodied, and advanced the opposing political and cultural trends that culminated in the great crisis of the nineteenth century.Covering figures from across a wide political spectrum, Escott reveals numerous streams and facets of nineteenth-century American political thought to illuminate the forces, from slavery to suffrage, underlying this greatest of conflicts. Written accessibly and with a magisterial command of the subject, The Civil War Political Tradition is both a perfect introduction to this history and a penetrating new meditation on its players.

The Confederate army went to war to defend a nation of slaveholding states, and although men rushed to recruiting stations for many reasons, they understood that the fundamental political issue at stake in the conflict was the future of slavery. Most Confederate soldiers were not slaveholders themselves, but they were products of the largest and most prosperous slaveholding civilization the world had ever seen, and they sought to maintain clear divisions between black and white, master and servant, free and slave.In Marching Masters Colin Woodward explores not only the importance of slavery in the minds of Confederate soldiers but also its effects on military policy and decision making. Beyond showing how essential the defense of slavery was in motivating Confederate troops to fight, Woodward examines the Rebels’ persistent belief in the need to defend slavery and deploy it militarily as the war raged on. Slavery proved essential to the Confederate war machine, and Rebels strove to protect it just as they did Southern cities, towns, and railroads. Slaves served by the tens of thousands in the Southern armies—never as soldiers, but as menial laborers who cooked meals, washed horses, and dug ditches. By following Rebel troops' continued adherence to notions of white supremacy into the Reconstruction and Jim Crow eras, the book carries the story beyond the Confederacy’s surrender. Drawing upon hundreds of soldiers’ letters, diaries, and memoirs, Marching Masters combines the latest social and military history in its compelling examination of the last bloody years of slavery in the United States.

No period of United States history is more important and still less understood than Reconstruction. Now, at the sesquicentennial of the Reconstruction era, Vernon Burton and Brent Morris bring together the best new scholarship on the critical years after the Civil War and before the onset of Jim Crow, synthesizing social, political, economic, and cultural approaches to understanding this crucial period.Reconstruction was the most progressive period in United States history. Although marred by frequent violence and tragedy, it was a revolutionary era that offered hope, opportunity, and against all odds, a new birth of freedom for all Americans. Even though many of the gains of Reconstruction were rolled back and replaced with a repressive social and legal regime for African Americans, the radical spark was never fully extinguished. Its spirit fanned back into flame with the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, and its ramifications remain palpable to this day.

No period of United States history is more important and still less understood than Reconstruction. Now, at the sesquicentennial of the Reconstruction era, Vernon Burton and Brent Morris bring together the best new scholarship on the critical years after the Civil War and before the onset of Jim Crow, synthesizing social, political, economic, and cultural approaches to understanding this crucial period.Reconstruction was the most progressive period in United States history. Although marred by frequent violence and tragedy, it was a revolutionary era that offered hope, opportunity, and against all odds, a new birth of freedom for all Americans. Even though many of the gains of Reconstruction were rolled back and replaced with a repressive social and legal regime for African Americans, the radical spark was never fully extinguished. Its spirit fanned back into flame with the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, and its ramifications remain palpable to this day.

Nationalism in nineteenth-century America operated through a collection of symbols, signifiers citizens could invest with meaning and understanding. In Confederate Visions, Ian Binnington examines the roots of Confederate nationalism by analyzing some of its most important symbols: Confederate constitutions, treasury notes, wartime literature, and the role of the military in symbolizing the Confederate nation. Nationalisms tend to construct glorified pasts, idyllic pictures of national strength, honor, and unity, based on visions of what should have been rather than what actually was. Binnington considers the ways in which the Confederacy was imagined by antebellum Southerners employing intertwined mythic concepts—the "Worthy Southron," the "Demon Yankee," the "Silent Slave"—and a sense of shared history that constituted a distinctive Confederate Americanism. The Worthy Southron, the constructed Confederate self, was imagined as a champion of liberty, counterposed to the Demon Yankee other, a fanatical abolitionist and enemy of Liberty. The Silent Slave was a companion to the vocal Confederate self, loyal and trusting, reliable and honest. The creation of American national identity was fraught with struggle, political conflict, and bloody Civil War. Confederate Visions examines literature, newspapers and periodicals, visual imagery, and formal state documents to explore the origins and development of wartime Confederate nationalism.

George S. Bernard was a Petersburg lawyer and member of the 12th Virginia Infantry Regiment during the Civil War. Over the course of his life, Bernard wrote extensively about his wartime experiences and collected accounts from other veterans. In 1892, he published War Talks of Confederate Veterans, a collection of firsthand accounts focusing on the battles and campaigns of the 12th Virginia that is widely read to this day. Bernard prepared a second volume but was never able to publish it. After his death in 1912, his papers became scattered or simply lost. But a series of finds, culminating with the discovery of a cache of papers in Roanoke in 2004, have made it possible to reconstruct a complete manuscript of the unpublished second volume. The resulting book, Civil War Talks, contains speeches, letters, Bernard’s wartime diary, and other firsthand accounts of the war not only by veterans of the Confederacy, such as General William Mahone, but by Union veterans as well. Their personal stories cover the major military campaigns in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania--Seven Pines, Malvern Hill, Gettysburg, Wilderness, Spotsylvania, Petersburg, and Appomattox. For the general reader, this volume offers evocative testimonies focusing on the experiences of individual soldiers. For scholars, it provides convenient access to many accounts that, until now, have not been widely available or have been simply unknown.

The remarkable account of a Union soldier whose service took him from Indian Country to the heart of the ConfederacyIn the summer of 1862, young Minnesotan George W. Buswell enlisted in the Union army, but his marching orders did not take him to the South to fight the Confederacy, as he had hoped, but to the US-Dakota War. Until the end of 1863, Buswell served with the 7th Minnesota Infantry, witnessing and describing that war’s infamous final act: the hanging of thirty-eight Dakota men at Mankato, the largest officially sanctioned mass execution in American history. Afterward, he volunteered as an officer to lead the 68th US Colored Infantry, serving in the Civil War’s Western Theater and seeing action in Mississippi.Buswell’s unique diaries—published here for the first time—offer an extraordinary record of his unusually wide-ranging experience, taking readers through the Dakota War, into Union prisons in St. Louis and Memphis, onto picket lines where he searched Confederate women suspected of smuggling, and into the ranks of a Black regiment that fought against Confederate forces led by Nathan Bedford Forrest. His eyewitness accounts represent a vital contribution to the ongoing debate over the parameters of the American Civil War.

The remarkable account of a Union soldier whose service took him from Indian Country to the heart of the ConfederacyIn the summer of 1862, young Minnesotan George W. Buswell enlisted in the Union army, but his marching orders did not take him to the South to fight the Confederacy, as he had hoped, but to the US-Dakota War. Until the end of 1863, Buswell served with the 7th Minnesota Infantry, witnessing and describing that war’s infamous final act: the hanging of thirty-eight Dakota men at Mankato, the largest officially sanctioned mass execution in American history. Afterward, he volunteered as an officer to lead the 68th US Colored Infantry, serving in the Civil War’s Western Theater and seeing action in Mississippi.Buswell’s unique diaries—published here for the first time—offer an extraordinary record of his unusually wide-ranging experience, taking readers through the Dakota War, into Union prisons in St. Louis and Memphis, onto picket lines where he searched Confederate women suspected of smuggling, and into the ranks of a Black regiment that fought against Confederate forces led by Nathan Bedford Forrest. His eyewitness accounts represent a vital contribution to the ongoing debate over the parameters of the American Civil War.

How the Confederate capital's citizens, white and Black, faced their future in the wake of Union victory In April 1865, the Civil War that had consumed the lives of the residents of Richmond, Virginia, for four years ended in a vast conflagration that nearly destroyed their city. As Confederate troops fled and Union forces streamed in, the world they had known literally went up in flames. None could predict what would replace it when the smoke cleared. After the Fire, the highly anticipated follow-up to Nelson Lankford's Richmond Burning: The Last Days of the Confederate Capital, tells what happened next. Lankford deftly narrates the desperate struggle of Confederates and Unionists, men and women, and white and Black Americans to shape the postwar landscape, emphasizing above all the far-reaching contingency of that pivotal moment. Offering a kaleidoscope of perspectives from individuals living at the epicenter of the great social and political cataclysm of the nineteenth century, After the Fire evokes a vanished world of privation, defeat, jubilation, false starts, engrained antagonism, and the lost causes of Confederate nostalgia and of racial reconciliation. Most important, Lankford unsettles the sense of inevitability that conditions so much contemporary thinking about this deeply transformative time and puts the reader in the shoes of those who lived through it.

The long history and lasting impact of the rhetoric of Black exclusion in American politics and culture In 1787, Thomas Jefferson declared that the United States was destined to become a nation free of slavery - and of its entire Black population. Following his cue, Henry Clay and other prominent politicians founded the American Colonization Society in 1816, launching the Black expatriation ('colonization') movement, a political force that, over the next eighty years, promoted the removal, with federal support, of the nation's Black population. Throughout this time, Frederick Douglass and the overwhelming majority of Black Americans opposed the colonization movement with great vigor and conviction, characterizing it as one of their greatest enemies, second only to slavery itself. Words Colliding offers the fullest account to date of this political debate, highlighting its dramatic impact on the national conversations regarding enslavement and Black civil rights. Colonization advocates claimed that centuries of racialized bondage had made civic equality impossible. Black activists vehemently rejected this claim, denying that Black freedom was a national problem and warning that colonization rhetoric encouraged and justified racial oppression, in its varied forms, both during the pre-Civil War decades and the long era of Jim Crow, the afterlives of which persist to this day.

The long history and lasting impact of the rhetoric of Black exclusion in American politics and culture In 1787, Thomas Jefferson declared that the United States was destined to become a nation free of slavery - and of its entire Black population. Following his cue, Henry Clay and other prominent politicians founded the American Colonization Society in 1816, launching the Black expatriation ('colonization') movement, a political force that, over the next eighty years, promoted the removal, with federal support, of the nation's Black population. Throughout this time, Frederick Douglass and the overwhelming majority of Black Americans opposed the colonization movement with great vigor and conviction, characterizing it as one of their greatest enemies, second only to slavery itself. Words Colliding offers the fullest account to date of this political debate, highlighting its dramatic impact on the national conversations regarding enslavement and Black civil rights. Colonization advocates claimed that centuries of racialized bondage had made civic equality impossible. Black activists vehemently rejected this claim, denying that Black freedom was a national problem and warning that colonization rhetoric encouraged and justified racial oppression, in its varied forms, both during the pre-Civil War decades and the long era of Jim Crow, the afterlives of which persist to this day.

A dramatic reappraisal and retelling of the destruction of the American UnionTo Save Us All from Slavery's Power is a novel assessment of the culmination of the sectional crisis before the Civil War. It is a story of mutual misunderstanding, journalistic mendacity, and irreconcilable visions of the country's future. With threats of disunion and rebellion rising in a thunderous chorus from the South in 1860, how could Republicans not have believed them until it was too late?As Summers shows, Republicans in 1860 found it difficult to take the disunionist threat seriously because they knew that their party posed no imminent danger to slavery where it existed. But by then Americans were living in different political realities, and white Southerners could not see Republicans as anything less than an existential threat. To Save Us All from Slavery's Power describes in dramatic detail how negative perceptions between the sections festered, and how the antagonism between them reached, and then went past, the breaking point.

A dramatic reappraisal and retelling of the destruction of the American UnionTo Save Us All from Slavery's Power is a novel assessment of the culmination of the sectional crisis before the Civil War. It is a story of mutual misunderstanding, journalistic mendacity, and irreconcilable visions of the country's future. With threats of disunion and rebellion rising in a thunderous chorus from the South in 1860, how could Republicans not have believed them until it was too late?As Summers shows, Republicans in 1860 found it difficult to take the disunionist threat seriously because they knew that their party posed no imminent danger to slavery where it existed. But by then Americans were living in different political realities, and white Southerners could not see Republicans as anything less than an existential threat. To Save Us All from Slavery's Power describes in dramatic detail how negative perceptions between the sections festered, and how the antagonism between them reached, and then went past, the breaking point.

The Civil War transformed American life. Not only did thousands of men die on battlefields and millions of slaves become free; cultural institutions reshaped themselves in the context of the war and its aftermath. The first book to examine the Civil War's immediate and long-term impact on higher education, Reconstructing the Campus begins by tracing college communities' responses to the secession crisis and the outbreak of war. Students made supplies for the armies or left campus to fight. Professors joined the war effort or struggled to keep colleges open. The Union and Confederacy even took over some campuses for military use. Then moving beyond 1865, the book explores the war's long-term effects on colleges. Michael David Cohen argues that the Civil War and the political and social conditions the war created prompted major reforms, including the establishment of a new federal role in education. Reminded by the war of the importance of a well-trained military, Congress began providing resources to colleges that offered military courses and other practical curricula. Congress also, as part of a general expansion of the federal bureaucracy that accompanied the war, created the Department of Education to collect and publish data on education. For the first time, the U.S. government both influenced curricula and monitored institutions.The war posed special challenges to Southern colleges. Often bereft of students and sometimes physically damaged, they needed to rebuild. Some took the opportunity to redesign themselves into the first Southern universities. They also admitted new types of students, including the poor, women, and, sometimes, formerly enslaved blacks. Thus, while the Civil War did great harm, it also stimulated growth, helping, especially in the South, to create our modern system of higher education.

Abraham Lincoln's dramatic visit to the defeated Confederate capital in 1865, and how it has been remembered and reinterpreted since"I want to see Richmond." In April 1865, after four long years of civil war, the Confederate capital—less than one hundred miles from Washington, DC—finally fell to Union forces. Abraham Lincoln quickly declared his intention to go there, to stand in the epicenter of the rebellion, amid the still-smoldering ruins, and to greet its residents—white and Black—as the president of a soon-to-be reunited nation.This book is the first dedicated to telling the story of his visit, but it goes well beyond narrating that remarkable day. Almost immediately, embellished accounts of Lincoln's journey emerged, and the truth quickly fell victim to the needs of competing political agendas. Tom Shoop shows how ultimately Lincoln's remarkable visit to a defeated Richmond would feed both the Lost Cause narrative and the mythology that Lincoln was uniquely capable of bringing North and South back together. Even as the story has faded from national memory, Lincoln's March explains why it continues to resurface among those still arguing over the causes, consequences, and ongoing effects of the Civil War.

Abraham Lincoln's dramatic visit to the defeated Confederate capital in 1865, and how it has been remembered and reinterpreted since"I want to see Richmond." In April 1865, after four long years of civil war, the Confederate capital—less than one hundred miles from Washington, DC—finally fell to Union forces. Abraham Lincoln quickly declared his intention to go there, to stand in the epicenter of the rebellion, amid the still-smoldering ruins, and to greet its residents—white and Black—as the president of a soon-to-be reunited nation.This book is the first dedicated to telling the story of his visit, but it goes well beyond narrating that remarkable day. Almost immediately, embellished accounts of Lincoln's journey emerged, and the truth quickly fell victim to the needs of competing political agendas. Tom Shoop shows how ultimately Lincoln's remarkable visit to a defeated Richmond would feed both the Lost Cause narrative and the mythology that Lincoln was uniquely capable of bringing North and South back together. Even as the story has faded from national memory, Lincoln's March explains why it continues to resurface among those still arguing over the causes, consequences, and ongoing effects of the Civil War.

A history of the home mission movement and a window on the roots of Christian nationalismIn the decades after the American Civil War, men, women, and children across the Northern United States bankrolled a continental effort to create a homogenous Protestant republic through the home mission movement—a domestic counterpart to foreign missions abroad. This book provides the first multidenominational account of post–Civil War home missions by focusing on the thousands of ordinary Americans who supported them spiritually, emotionally, and—above all—financially. These benefactors believed that through subsidizing the soul saving of their fellow countrymen, they would receive spiritual blessings of their own. Millions of dollars' worth of this so-called moral capital crisscrossed the nation, creating a "spiritual economy" that Northern Protestants hoped would reunite the republic and bind it for all time.Christ, Church, and Country tells the story of a nation still reeling from the shock of the Civil War embarking upon a period of unprecedented economic growth and demographic transformation—convulsions that encouraged many Americans to use religious benevolence as a tool to bring greater coherence not only to the republic but also to their own disordered selves.

A history of the home mission movement and a window on the roots of Christian nationalismIn the decades after the American Civil War, men, women, and children across the Northern United States bankrolled a continental effort to create a homogenous Protestant republic through the home mission movement—a domestic counterpart to foreign missions abroad. This book provides the first multidenominational account of post–Civil War home missions by focusing on the thousands of ordinary Americans who supported them spiritually, emotionally, and—above all—financially. These benefactors believed that through subsidizing the soul saving of their fellow countrymen, they would receive spiritual blessings of their own. Millions of dollars' worth of this so-called moral capital crisscrossed the nation, creating a "spiritual economy" that Northern Protestants hoped would reunite the republic and bind it for all time.Christ, Church, and Country tells the story of a nation still reeling from the shock of the Civil War embarking upon a period of unprecedented economic growth and demographic transformation—convulsions that encouraged many Americans to use religious benevolence as a tool to bring greater coherence not only to the republic but also to their own disordered selves.