Palgrave Studies in Populisms – serie

For the first time in modern Canadian history, the leader of one of the two governing party was chosen on a decidedly populist platform. Before the election of Pierre Poilievre as leader of the Conservative Party, many believed that Canada was immune to populism. In the months following his arrival as leader of the Official opposition, the polls in his favor soared. So much so, that it prompted Prime minister Justin Trudeau's resignation. The success of Poilievre’s stand in favor of the working class also forced the main left-wing party, the NPD, to adopt an even more populist tone. Does Pierre Poilievre's populism come from Donald Trump's playbook? Are the 2022 truckers' occupation of Ottawa and the post-Covid pandemic inflationary context explanatory factors?  This new populism made in Canada is essentially economic, with no nativist component. But its first victims were carbon pricing policies to combat climate change. From a global perspective, what lessons can we draw from this shift in Canadian politics?

For the first time in modern Canadian history, the leader of one of the two governing party was chosen on a decidedly populist platform. Before the election of Pierre Poilievre as leader of the Conservative Party, many believed that Canada was immune to populism. In the months following his arrival as leader of the Official opposition, the polls in his favor soared. So much so, that it prompted Prime minister Justin Trudeau's resignation. The success of Poilievre’s stand in favor of the working class also forced the main left-wing party, the NPD, to adopt an even more populist tone. Does Pierre Poilievre's populism come from Donald Trump's playbook? Are the 2022 truckers' occupation of Ottawa and the post-Covid pandemic inflationary context explanatory factors?  This new populism made in Canada is essentially economic, with no nativist component. But its first victims were carbon pricing policies to combat climate change. From a global perspective, what lessons can we draw from this shift in Canadian politics?

This book explores state–religion relations under a populist authoritarian ruling party in Turkey. In doing so, it investigates how the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) instrumentalizes state-controlled religion to further, defend, legitimatize and propagate its authoritarian populist political agenda in a constitutionally secular nation-state. To exemplify this, the authors examine the Friday sermons delivered weekly in every mosque in Turkey by the Turkish State’s Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet). By analyzing all sermons delivered between 2010-2021, the book shows how the Diyanet has enthusiastically adopted AKP’s increasingly Islamist, authoritarian, civilisationist, militarist and pro-violence populism since 2010, and how it has tried to socially engineer beliefs in line with this ideology.

This book explores state–religion relations under a populist authoritarian ruling party in Turkey. In doing so, it investigates how the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) instrumentalizes state-controlled religion to further, defend, legitimatize and propagate its authoritarian populist political agenda in a constitutionally secular nation-state. To exemplify this, the authors examine the Friday sermons delivered weekly in every mosque in Turkey by the Turkish State’s Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet). By analyzing all sermons delivered between 2010-2021, the book shows how the Diyanet has enthusiastically adopted AKP’s increasingly Islamist, authoritarian, civilisationist, militarist and pro-violence populism since 2010, and how it has tried to socially engineer beliefs in line with this ideology.

This book investigates right-wing populism in Brazil. It is a unique study of the major protest movements of the New Right that dominated the streets of São Paulo from 2014 to 2018 and acted as a prelude to Jair Bolsonaro’s election. Examining the populist rhetoric that circulated among the movements’ online followers, McLean reveals the formation of different right-wing publics and gives insight into the topics that have the greatest impact on public political debate. Through interviewing multiple activists and observing them at political events, McLean also exposes motivations for engaging in political action and demonstrates how the movements act as media vehicles of the New Right. Such an intimate study on the Brazilian New Right has never before been carried out in such in-depth detail.

This book investigates right-wing populism in Brazil. It is a unique study of the major protest movements of the New Right that dominated the streets of São Paulo from 2014 to 2018 and acted as a prelude to Jair Bolsonaro’s election. Examining the populist rhetoric that circulated among the movements’ online followers, McLean reveals the formation of different right-wing publics and gives insight into the topics that have the greatest impact on public political debate. Through interviewing multiple activists and observing them at political events, McLean also exposes motivations for engaging in political action and demonstrates how the movements act as media vehicles of the New Right. Such an intimate study on the Brazilian New Right has never before been carried out in such in-depth detail.

This books explores the rise of civilizational populism throughout the world, and its consequences. Civilizational populism posits that democracy ought to be based upon enacting the ‘people’s will’, yet it adds a new and troubling dimension to populism’s thin ideology: a civilization based classification of peoples and division of society. Today, we increasingly find not conflict between civilizations, but conflict within states over their civilizational identity. From Western Europe to Turkey, and from India and Pakistan to Indonesia, populists are increasingly employing a civilization based classification of peoples in order to define the identities of ‘the people’ and their perceived enemies. This book is the first to examine civilizational populism as global phenomenon rather than a uniquely Western form of politics. Through a series of case studies, the book examines the role played by religion in forming civilizational identities, but also investigates the often deleterious consequences of civilizational populism entering the political mainstream.

This books explores the rise of civilizational populism throughout the world, and its consequences. Civilizational populism posits that democracy ought to be based upon enacting the ‘people’s will’, yet it adds a new and troubling dimension to populism’s thin ideology: a civilization based classification of peoples and division of society. Today, we increasingly find not conflict between civilizations, but conflict within states over their civilizational identity. From Western Europe to Turkey, and from India and Pakistan to Indonesia, populists are increasingly employing a civilization based classification of peoples in order to define the identities of ‘the people’ and their perceived enemies. This book is the first to examine civilizational populism as global phenomenon rather than a uniquely Western form of politics. Through a series of case studies, the book examines the role played by religion in forming civilizational identities, but also investigates the often deleterious consequences of civilizational populism entering the political mainstream.

This book examines how populism, digital disinformation, and social media shaped Indonesia’s 2024 elections. It shows how political actors, influencers, and coordinated digital campaigns used emotional narratives, identity politics, and online manipulation to mobilise support, influence public debate, and reshape democratic competition. Bringing together theoretical chapters and empirical case studies, the book explores religious populism, authoritarian tendencies, digital campaigning, misinformation, and electoral communication in Indonesia. It places the Indonesian case within wider debates on democracy, political polarisation, digital propaganda, and the growing power of online platforms in election politics. The book offers a timely account of how digital technologies are transforming populism and democratic life in the Global South.

This book traces the lineage and descent of ideas about populism within academic literature. Contemporary conceptions and definitions of populism are mostly, if not exclusively, pejorative, and used as an epithet for fascism, authoritarianisms of all stripes, and troubling forms of mass mobilizations. Adopting a genealogical approach, that investigates how the present arose out of the contingencies of the past, this book examines the consequential role played by American scholars of the 1950s in redefining the term away from its origins as a self-designation for a fledgling nineteenth century third party in the United States to a catch-all epithet for the very worst kinds of politics. It argues that the transmission of this pejorative definition to the European academy of the 1970s and beyond has bequeathed contemporary populism scholarship a troubling legacy that has largely gone unexamined and unquestioned. By demonstrating the lineage of contemporary ideas about populism, the book suggests that they rest on far flimsier intellectual foundations than is often assumed and that the concept of populism as a dangerous form of mass-based politics is more problematic and contestable than it appears.

Based on semi-structured interviews with ordinary citizens in Pakistan, this book analyses the complex relationship between populism, political identity, and historical experiences in Pakistan, highlighting how populist discourse influences and is influenced by varied interpretations of Pakistaniat - the identification with Pakistan. It introduces a novel theoretical framework for analysing populism in the public sphere, using Laclau's view of populism as a discursive logic and Panizza's definition as a mode of identification. This connection allows for a deeper understanding of how populist constructs form a collective identity amidst diverse demands, particularly through the concept of "the people" as an empty signifier. The book also examines the multiple meanings associated with Pakistani identity and their ties to the rise of populism, addressing gaps in existing literature regarding the demand side of populism and its impact on both politicians and the public.

Based on semi-structured interviews with ordinary citizens in Pakistan, this book analyses the complex relationship between populism, political identity, and historical experiences in Pakistan, highlighting how populist discourse influences and is influenced by varied interpretations of Pakistaniat - the identification with Pakistan. It introduces a novel theoretical framework for analysing populism in the public sphere, using Laclau's view of populism as a discursive logic and Panizza's definition as a mode of identification. This connection allows for a deeper understanding of how populist constructs form a collective identity amidst diverse demands, particularly through the concept of "the people" as an empty signifier. The book also examines the multiple meanings associated with Pakistani identity and their ties to the rise of populism, addressing gaps in existing literature regarding the demand side of populism and its impact on both politicians and the public.

This book presents a new theoretical model for mapping how populist leaders construct “the people”, using simultaneous processes of inclusion and exclusion. Applying this model to Pakistan's distinctive political landscape, the work analyzes the populist discourse of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Imran Khan, highlighting the key similarities and differences in their construct. The comparative analysis underlines how Pakistan’s political history, including the role of religion, the military, and dynastic politics, shapes populist politics in the country.By centering a non-Western case, this book challenges dominant frameworks and offers an accessible, comparative lens on populist discourse. It will be of interest to scholars and students of populism, Pakistani politics, and discourse analysis, as well as to those interested in the broader dynamics of democratization in hybrid political systems.

This book focuses on the many kinds of populist politicians in Malaysia who capitalise on the mindset of the Malay majority population by appealing to their need for a protector. In order to demonstrate that populism is pervasive and can even be found in this developing nation in Southeast Asia, the book presents the background, policies, and rhetoric of seven prominent Malay politicians in Malaysia who utilise populism as a strategy. It does so by comparing various populist leaders in Malaysia to demonstrate that populism is merely a method for these politicians to garner support. Since most of these leaders come from the establishment, the rhetoric against the elites is merely performative rather than a true belief of these Malay leaders. The book takes a case-study approach to understanding the rise of populism in Malaysia, and Asia more generally. It offers a framework that is grounded in the sociopolitical context of the Malay community, which helps to elucidate the phenomenon of elite populism in the country.

This edited book examines the growing worldwide phenomenon of civilizational populism in democratic nation-states and brings together research that explores this in a wide variety of religious, political, and geographic contexts. In doing so, the book shows how, from Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists increasingly define national belonging through civilizational identity, claiming that the world can be divided into several religion-defined civilizations with incompatible values. The volume also discusses the complex relationship between civilizational populism, democracy and nationalism and shows how nationalists often use civilizational identity to help define ingroups and outgroups within their society.With this, the book investigates the salience of the concept, its widespread and influential nature, and also explains how populists construct civilizational identities, and the factors behind the rise of civilizational populism.

This edited book examines the growing worldwide phenomenon of civilizational populism in democratic nation-states and brings together research that explores this in a wide variety of religious, political, and geographic contexts. In doing so, the book shows how, from Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists increasingly define national belonging through civilizational identity, claiming that the world can be divided into several religion-defined civilizations with incompatible values. The volume also discusses the complex relationship between civilizational populism, democracy and nationalism and shows how nationalists often use civilizational identity to help define ingroups and outgroups within their society.With this, the book investigates the salience of the concept, its widespread and influential nature, and also explains how populists construct civilizational identities, and the factors behind the rise of civilizational populism.

This book focuses on the dynamics of democracy and populism in Muslim-majority countries, such as Turkey and Indonesia. It does so by examining the complexities of democratic development in these areas, ranging from 'flawed' to 'hybrid' regimes. Despite the aspirations for democratic progress, recent democracy indices reveal a concerning trend of backsliding, particularly in the last decade. This regression can be attributed, in part, to the ascendancy of populist politics.Populist movements have adeptly exploited both real and perceived cultural insecurities to acquire, consolidate, and maintain political power. This phenomenon is especially pronounced in flawed democracies and hybrid regimes within Muslim-majority countries, such as Turkey and Indonesia. Notably, religion, specifically Islam, has emerged as a central tool within the populist playbook. Populist actors have constructed a religious-civilizational framework that leverages political binaries, manipulates insecurities, and fosters traditional anti-elite and anti-'other' sentiments. In this book, the authors advance the notion that populism is a multifaceted phenomenon that relies on various pre-existing fractures within societies and cultures. Once in power, populism intensifies these differences to further consolidate its position, utilizing various state apparatuses such as state-controlled religious institutions. This comprehensive analysis offers insights into the growing trend of populism in the Muslim world and its impact on contemporary politics.