Portuguese-Speaking World - Böcker

This book focuses on the values, beliefs, fears and actions of Brazilian groups that throughout the twentieth century fought the red menace. It is based on broad and diversified documentary sources, including police files, archives of political leaders, traditional press periodicals, newspapers and brochures of right-wing organizations, monuments, caricatures, and photographs. The work is a major contribution to better understanding the political impact of right-wing movements in Brazil and the justifications made for the authoritarian coups of 1937 and 1964. The author explains the intricacy of the political movements, leaderships and organizations that gathered around the fight against communism, as well as the ideas and images used to disseminate their arguments, including international sources of inspiration. The argument presented is not one of mere condemnation, but as dictatorship has reared its head post-1964 an assessment is long overdue in order to understand the political impact of anti-communist movements which have contributed to enable the longstanding police-military repressive machine of the Brazilian State. The current return of anti-communism to the Brazilian political scene is evidence of the book's thesis that this phenomenon took root in Brazilian society during the first decades of the twentieth century. On Guard Against the Red Menace helps to understand why a candidate of military origin who promises to rid the country of the reds won the October 2018 elections in Brazil, by adopting a discursive strategy that represents the appropriation of the anti-communist tradition analyzed in this book.

Prime Minister Marcello Caetano was the successor of Antonio de Oliveira Salazar. Considered the second most important figure of the Portuguese dictatorship (the Estado Novo regime, 1933-1974), Caetano has generated considerable disagreement amongst scholars with regard to his persona and politics; some consider him more authoritarian than his predecessor, others more liberal. After providing background on his childhood and entry to university, the author explains his growing activism in the Integralismo Lusitano and in the Catholic Church; his monarchist and nationalist ideology. Caetano's decision to support the Salazar Regime coincided with publications in the mainstream media on corporatism, colonialism, European politics and the relationship between Brazil and Portugal. His role in the office of General Secretary of Mocidade Portuguesa (MP), an organization of Portuguese youth similar to the fascist youth organizations in Italy or Germany, was at odds with his neutrality policy in the Second World War. The leadership of Uniao Nacional (the single party of the regime) and the presidency of the Camara Corportiva (a parliament for corporative interests) led to national recognition at a time when the Portuguese regime had to reform its colonial policy. His tensions with other notables of Salazarism resulted in his political demotion and devotion toward the University in the 1960s. As Rector of Lisbon University he supported universities' autonomy, dividing public opinion. Caetano's Presidency (beginning in September 1968) reflected the tense relationship between the government and the liberal wing on the colonial crisis. Ultimately this led to the final crisis of the New State regime; the fragmentation of the armed forces; and the Carnation Revolution on April 25, 1974. During his exile in Brazil between 1974 and 1980 Caetano maintained correspondence with his Portuguese friends. These correspondences, introduced and explained by Francisco Martinho, are of exceptional importance in understanding Portugal's contemporary political history.

Fernando Pessoa is one of the greatest poets of the 20th century. Until some years ago known in the English-speaking world only among a minority of connaisseurs, his work is finally becoming available in English translations, and more are in the process of reaching the literary public. Born in Lisbon in 1888, Pessoa was only forty-seven when he died, but he left behind a staggering number of unpublished manuscripts that are still being screened and brought to light. George Steiner heralded the day Pessoa discovered his major Portuguese heteronyms, for no country had ever seen the birth of four great poets in a single day. That was a reference to the personae Pessoa created, the famous heteronyms Alberto Caeiro, Alvaro de Campos, and Ricardo Reis, besides the man himself -- all poets in their own right with their biographies and even critical exchanges among themselves. Today well over a hundred Pessoa heteronyms are known, including, notably, the semi-heteronym Bernardo Soares, author of The Book of Disquiet, presently available in two English translations. Lately, another Pessoa is emerging -- an English writer, as well as a thinker. Indeed, having been educated in Durban, South Africa, where his stepfather was the consul of Portugal, the poet had a strong English education that shaped his life and thought. George Monteiro has been in the forefront of the uncovering of this side of Pessoa. Author, among many other works, of The Presence of Pessoa: English, American, and Southern African Literary Responses, and Fernando Pessoa and Nineteenth-Century Anglo-American Literature, in this volume Monteiro continues to explore and interpret the world of Pessoa to English-speaking readers.

The Biography includes a Preface by Cuban Commander Fidel Castro Frei Bettos roles as a revolutionary Christian, popular educator, social movement articulator, and journalist/writer provide insight into the political and religious history not only of Brazil, but of Cuba and former socialist countries of Eastern Europe. His lifepath is one of engagement with the revolutionary struggle against the Brazilian military dictatorship in favor of social transformation. His arrest in 1969 for coordinating the safe departure of political militants from Brazil, and his concern to eliminate hunger and suffering from the poorer classes, were strong credentials as he promoted dialogue between political bodies, the religious establishment and the population at large. Strongly influenced by the propositions of Liberation Theology, a defining thread of its activities was to seek an understanding, an accommodation, between Christianity and socialism. Friar Betto maintained close relations with former Brazilian President Lula da Silva and Fidel Castro and the Cuban revolutionary government, and wrote about how the internal dynamics of the Cuban religious universe could be applied to other countries and to different political circumstances. His writings on socialist countries, especially Paradise Lost, are aimed at promoting understanding on several levels: between the Church and the communists; between the military and politicians; between religious leaders and the people. Frei Bettos biography is an invitation to understand five decades of a personal pursuit of revolutionary ideals through the prism of religious tolerance and the pursuit of socialism. The Portuguese edition was a finalist in the biography section of Jabuti the prestigious national literary prize granted by the Brazilian Book Chamber (CBL).

The Biography includes a Preface by Cuban Commander Fidel Castro Frei Bettos roles as a revolutionary Christian, popular educator, social movement articulator, and journalist/writer provide insight into the political and religious history not only of Brazil, but of Cuba and former socialist countries of Eastern Europe. His lifepath is one of engagement with the revolutionary struggle against the Brazilian military dictatorship in favor of social transformation. His arrest in 1969 for coordinating the safe departure of political militants from Brazil, and his concern to eliminate hunger and suffering from the poorer classes, were strong credentials as he promoted dialogue between political bodies, the religious establishment and the population at large. Strongly influenced by the propositions of Liberation Theology, a defining thread of its activities was to seek an understanding, an accommodation, between Christianity and socialism. Friar Betto maintained close relations with former Brazilian President Lula da Silva and Fidel Castro and the Cuban revolutionary government, and wrote about how the internal dynamics of the Cuban religious universe could be applied to other countries and to different political circumstances. His writings on socialist countries, especially Paradise Lost, are aimed at promoting understanding on several levels: between the Church and the communists; between the military and politicians; between religious leaders and the people. Frei Bettos biography is an invitation to understand five decades of a personal pursuit of revolutionary ideals through the prism of religious tolerance and the pursuit of socialism. The Portuguese edition was a finalist in the biography section of Jabuti the prestigious national literary prize granted by the Brazilian Book Chamber (CBL).

Research on Portuguese orientalism has been mostly centred on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and has focused on missionary work and Catholic orientalism. In contrast, reflection on the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is scarce and has relied on individual case studies, notwithstanding the TECOP (Texts and Contexts of Portuguese Orientalism: The International Congresses of Orientalists, 1873-1973) research project. This edited collection is the result of an international forum (www.tecop.letras.ulisboa.pt) hosted by the Centre for Comparative Studies, the University of Lisbon. The editorial aim is to counter the scant attention paid to Portuguese orientalist scholarship, which has been peripheralized within the comparative history of western imperialisms at large and within national orientalisms in particular. Incorporating Portugal into a broader European colonial discourse about the East, and discussing the responses to Portuguese colonial legacies, gives visibility to the agency of the multiple actors and networks implicated in the Portuguese modern connection to the East. Essays cover former Portuguese India (Goa), Macau, Timor and Japan, as well as East Africa, Egypt, and even Angola as an expansive site of the Portuguese orientalist rhetoric. The chapters by necessity revisit Edward Saids Orientalism (1978), making use of its analytical framework. They foster an understanding of Portuguese orientalism as an epistemological system supported by an elite either intellectual, scientific or literary that assumed different material manifestations in the shape of colonial policies; scientific expeditions; exhibitions; press and literary publications; radio broadcasts; and the institutionalization itself of orientalist knowledge. This is the first collection in the English language overtly expressing an intention to examine this epistemological contribution.

From war campaigns to peacekeeping operations, The Portuguese at War presents an overview of the conflicts, wars and revolutions in which Portugal was involved from the nineteenth century to the present day. From the French invasions to the civil wars, from the African Empire to the wars of decolonisation, from belligerence in the First World War to neutrality in the Second, from participation in the Atlantic Alliance to peacekeeping operations in Kosovo, East Timor, Lebanon and Afghanistan. The book addresses the military interventions in politics and the role of the countrys political regimes in military reform: from the Liberal Revolutions to the Republic, from the military dictatorship and authoritarian regime to the 25th of April Revolution and the transition to democracy. The historical record of Portugals war involvement is not only closely aligned to international and European circumstance but to internal factors: the economy, society, public opinion and political/military power. A historical perspective must of necessity link Portuguese war excursions with the military institutions in place at the time: their recruitment system, social composition and organisation of the army, navy and air force; the military ethos; the evolution of equipment, weapons and military technologies; strategic military doctrine and how this impacted on tactics and military operations; and of course the war outcomes. Special attention is given to the effects of international isolation after the Estado Novo, and post-Cold War europeanisation. The book does not eschew the plurality of interpretative theories. Rather, it seeks to combine historical accuracy of the Portuguese at war within a highly readable literary narrative aimed not only at undergraduate and research levels, but at a broader public audience interested in the complex reach and role of Portugal in world history.

This book presents two systems of censorship and literary promotion, revealing how literature can be molded to support authoritarian regimes. The issue is complex in that at a descriptive level the strategies and methods "new states" use to control communication through the written word can be judged by how and when formal decrees were issued, and how publishing media, whether in the form of publishing companies or at the individual level, engaged with political overseers. But equally, literature was a means of resistance against an authoritarian regime, not only for writers but for readers as well. From the point of view of historical memory and intellectual history, stories of "people without history" and the production of their texts through the literary "underground" can be constructed from subsequent testimony: from books sold in secret, to the writings of women in jail, to books that were written but never published or distributed in any way, and to myriad compelling circumstances resulting from living under fascist authority. A parallel study on two fascist movements provides a unique viewpoint at literary, social and political levels. Comparative analysis of literary censorship/literary reward allows an understanding of the balance between dictatorship, official policy, and what literary acts were deemed acceptable. The regime need to control its population is revealed in the ways that a particular type of literature was encouraged; in the engagement of propoganda promotion; and in the setting up of institutions to gain international acceptance of the regime. The work is an important contribution to the history of twentieth-century authoritarianism and the development fascist ideas.

A Critical Introduction proposes a new didactic and dynamic way of reading the great twentieth-century poet Fernando Pessoa (1888-1935). The aim is to present a holistic vision of this complex poet, promoting his literary geniality in order to better understand his orthonymic-heteronymic poetry. A guiding motif is Pessoa's own Be as plural as the universe. In leading the reader through the poet's published literary work, Jerónimo Pizarro allows an intimate perspective, alongside an academic one, to better understand the workings of Pessoa's mind and life. Discussion centres on the dilemmas an editor faces when editing posthumously. A prime question revolves around the genesis of Pessoa's heteronyms and orthonyms. Understanding is revealed by a critical perspective on the unity that exists in all of Pessoa's literary work. Interpretations of the poems; explanation of the profundity of The Book of Disquiet; and his isms of Paulism, Caeirism, Intersectionism and Cessationism, are discussed and analysed. The issue of Pessoa's astrological predictions his birth year and the effects of this event on Portuguese national history is debated. A chapter is devoted to the effect that translating Omar Khayyám's Rubáiyát had on the poet. The work contains eleven texts written by Pessoa in English (including an autobiographical note from 1935), a substantive dual language bibliography, and is highly illustrated with facsimiles of the poet's own written material. A Critical Introduction is essential reading for all scholars and students of Pessoa's literary output and life circumstances. The work has been written to appeal to cultural studies (arts and aesthetics) enthusiasts in general at both undergraduate and postgraduate level, but given the engagement of new critical material it also provides a structured resource for future research.

The third of October 2020 marked the 90th anniversary of the Brazilian Revolution of 1930. Although this event is recognized in Brazilian historiography as an important landmark in the construction of contemporary Brazil, debate, discourse and indeed publications commemorating the event have been much less numerous and profound than would be expected. Comparisons have been made with what took place in 1980, the year of the revolutions fiftieth anniversary, where meaningful historical judgements were made across a wide spectrum of society and the political establishment. It is pertinent to ask why there is no longer the appetite for substantive discussion on the Vargas period. Perhaps it is due to the new political climate in Brazil in the last decade, especially with regard to various projects aimed at labour and trade union reform, the main legacies of the revolutionary period which today are considered by many as obstacles to the modernization of the labour market and the country's economic development. Given the economic imperatives and aims of the 1930 Revolution, a re-evaluation of the Vargas Period will assist in better understanding the contemporary economic issues that face Brazil today. The exercise is neither one of nostalgia or exaltation of this past period, but rather to offer a (positive and negative) overview of Vargas legacy and the vast historiography that surrounds it. Scholars, politicians, business and the Brazilian workforce need to learn from past economic choices in order to better understand the challenges that contemporary Brazil faces. Recently proposed reforms have strong overtones to the revolutionary agenda of the 1930s, namely the forging of a New Brazil and the necessity of avoiding political schism. This book examines the political, economic, labour, cultural, military, and gender ramifications that will guide debate.

For thousands of years, Portugal has been the point of arrival and departure for peoples, cultures, languages, ideas, fashions, behaviours, beliefs, institutions and produce. While its miscegenation and global multimodal activity enriched the world in many ways, it also provoked violence, war, suffering and resistance. The Global History of Portugal contains 93 chapters grouped into five parts: Pre-history, Antiquity, Middle Ages, Early Modern period and Modern World. Each chapter begins with an event, interpreted in the light of global history. Each part opens with an introduction, offering a perspective of the period in question. The three Editors, five Scientific Coordinators (João Luís Cardoso, Carlos Fabião, Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa, Catia Antunes and António Costa Pinto) and ninety Contributors offer a critical and analytical synthesis of the history that originated in Portuguese territory or passed through it, stimulating the process of encounter and dis-encounter in todays global world. The history presented gives special attention to the world that moulded Portugal and the Portuguese, and to the ways Portugal configured the world. It seeks to identify and understand the transversal entanglements of historic impact and the impulses these gave to the construction of Portugal and the world. Contemporary reflection and academic scholarship on the global history of leading nations has stimulated a rethinking of the past and a more comprehensive recognition of legacy. Historians can no longer overlook the wider world with which their country of investigation has interacted. Portugal's role in the dynamic circulation of peoples and ideas makes it global history not only unique by way of what took place but also in terms of a potential academic template for better understanding of how the past shapes the present, and more particularly the importance of acknowledging a country's past historic mis-steps and how these are dealt with by contemporary populations.

For thousands of years, Portugal has been the point of arrival and departure for peoples, cultures, languages, ideas, fashions, behaviours, beliefs, institutions and produce. While its miscegenation and global multimodal activity enriched the world in many ways, it also provoked violence, war, suffering and resistance. The Global History of Portugal contains 93 chapters grouped into five parts: Pre-history, Antiquity, Middle Ages, Early Modern period and Modern World. Each chapter begins with an event, interpreted in the light of global history. Each part opens with an introduction, offering a perspective of the period in question. The three Editors, five Scientific Coordinators (João Luís Cardoso, Carlos Fabião, Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa, Catia Antunes and António Costa Pinto) and ninety Contributors offer a critical and analytical synthesis of the history that originated in Portuguese territory or passed through it, stimulating the process of encounter and dis-encounter in todays global world. The history presented gives special attention to the world that moulded Portugal and the Portuguese, and to the ways Portugal configured the world. It seeks to identify and understand the transversal entanglements of historic impact and the impulses these gave to the construction of Portugal and the world. Contemporary reflection and academic scholarship on the global history of leading nations has stimulated a rethinking of the past and a more comprehensive recognition of legacy. Historians can no longer overlook the wider world with which their country of investigation has interacted. Portugal's role in the dynamic circulation of peoples and ideas makes it global history not only unique by way of what took place but also in terms of a potential academic template for better understanding of how the past shapes the present, and more particularly the importance of acknowledging a country's past historic mis-steps and how these are dealt with by contemporary populations.

After World War II, with the triumph of multilateralism, several international organizations were created, including two which would be of special importance for the external funding of the Portuguese economy in the second half of the twentieth century and in the early twenty-first. The European Union and the International Monetary Fund have been responsible for providing large amounts of funding, both in periods of economic development and during times of financial crisis. This contributory volume provides a thorough analysis on specific case studies: the Marshall Plan (1949-1952); the three IMF interventions (in the seventies, eighties and the 2011 bailout); the implementation of the first EU funds Portugal received prior to accession; and the debate on the new framework for European funds for the period 2021-2027. These case study analyses provide an overview of the legal, economic and financial implications that such external funding has on the country at different times and in different economic contexts. Of particular import at all times is the public finance legal framework, and this is especially the case for the new European funding structures, which has attracted some criticism. And for any future IMF financial assistance and its political implementation implications. Portuguese Economic Development and External Funding in the Modern Era provides important insights into economic development, crisis management, financial assistance and European investment funds. While the work is Portuguese-centred, the topics investigated and the means of analysis adopted are applicable to other countries. This is the first book to address economic development and external funding, and it will inevitably be used as a template for future research.

A Critical Introduction proposes a new didactic and dynamic way of reading the great twentieth-century poet Fernando Pessoa (1888-1935). The aim is to present a holistic vision of this complex poet, promoting his literary geniality in order to better understand his orthonymic-heteronymic poetry. A guiding motif is Pessoa's own Be as plural as the universe. In leading the reader through the poet's published literary work, Jerónimo Pizarro allows an intimate perspective, alongside an academic one, to better understand the workings of Pessoa's mind and life. Discussion centres on the dilemmas an editor faces when editing posthumously. A prime question revolves around the genesis of Pessoa's heteronyms and orthonyms. Understanding is revealed by a critical perspective on the unity that exists in all of Pessoa's literary work. Interpretations of the poems; explanation of the profundity of The Book of Disquiet; and his isms of Paulism, Caeirism, Intersectionism and Cessationism, are discussed and analysed. The issue of Pessoa's astrological predictions his birth year and the effects of this event on Portuguese national history is debated. A chapter is devoted to the effect that translating Omar Khayyám's Rubáiyát had on the poet. The work contains eleven texts written by Pessoa in English (including an autobiographical note from 1935), a substantive dual language bibliography, and is highly illustrated with facsimiles of the poet's own written material. A Critical Introduction is essential reading for all scholars and students of Pessoa's literary output and life circumstances. The work has been written to appeal to cultural studies (arts and aesthetics) enthusiasts in general at both undergraduate and postgraduate level, but given the engagement of new critical material it also provides a structured resource for future research.

The events related to the 1964 coup and the military dictatorship (1964-85) have become common currency in the recent public debate in Brazil. The issue is especially strategic to the extreme right-wing groups surrounding Jair Bolsonaro, the president elected in 2018. For them, the 1964 coup is cherished and celebrated, marking defeat of the left and the beginning of a political regime oriented towards order and progress. The political project built around Bolsonaro is an attempt to impose a distorted and Manichean view of recent history, both by discourse and attempts of censorship. According to that view, 1964 was not a coup detat, but a revolution that saved Brazilians from communism. In Brazil, history is being manipulated to convince people that the military were good rulers, an image that connects to the present authoritarian (albeit elected) government supported by the Armed Forces. Right-wingers, nostalgic for the 1960s dictatorship, promote initiatives to discredit academic researchers and historians who disagree with their mind set. A Present Past offers a well-founded approach to the history of the military dictatorship. Chapters are dedicated to analysing the most controversial topics of the current debate. The primary aim is to disseminate knowledge about the prevailing dictatorship circumstances, with a firm eye on how the past military regime impacts on the present. The purpose is to prevent peddlers of fake news and the ultra-right negationists from winning over the Brazilian public with their authoritarian versions of history. In sum, this is a book committed to democracy. This commitment does not imply any disrespect for the academy, or for opposing points of view, but at its heart it defends historiography via scientific method to counter authoritarian imposition of a historical narrative that supports dictatorship in any form and its leaders, political and military, remaining in power through coercion.

This book focuses on the values, beliefs, fears and actions of Brazilian groups that throughout the twentieth century fought the red menace. It is based on broad and diversified documentary sources, including police files, archives of political leaders, traditional press periodicals, newspapers and brochures of right-wing organizations, monuments, caricatures, and photographs. The work is a major contribution to better understanding the political impact of right-wing movements in Brazil and the justifications made for the authoritarian coups of 1937 and 1964. The author explains the intricacy of the political movements, leaderships and organizations that gathered around the fight against communism, as well as the ideas and images used to disseminate their arguments, including international sources of inspiration. The argument presented is not one of mere condemnation, but as dictatorship has reared its head post-1964 an assessment is long overdue in order to understand the political impact of anti-communist movements which have contributed to enable the longstanding police-military repressive machine of the Brazilian State. The current return of anti-communism to the Brazilian political scene is evidence of the book's thesis that this phenomenon took root in Brazilian society during the first decades of the twentieth century. On Guard Against the Red Menace helps to understand why a candidate of military origin who promises to rid the country of the reds won the October 2018 elections in Brazil, by adopting a discursive strategy that represents the appropriation of the anti-communist tradition analyzed in this book.

Portugal is close to celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Carnation Revolution. While this central moment in contemporary Portuguese history has long attracted international academic interest, there is a dearth of studies that explain the interrelationships between the main issues that singled out this revolutionary moment. The aims and actions of the three main protagonists the Armed Forces, the political parties and mass social organizations are linked in myriad ways: the political role of the Armed Forces; the crisis of state authority; the political justice formulas adopted; the affirmation of civilian political elites; the role of workers and neighbourhood movements, and other forms of popular mobilization; participation of the media in the political struggle; and post the momentous days, the transition from coup detat to revolution. The dominant moments and themes of the Portuguese revolution are relayed by close examination of original archival documentation; oral and written primary sources; and government records. Was military disquiet at the heart of the move toward democracy? Or was the instigator the growing dissatisfaction of the populace with the political class? A prime aim of the book is to view the revolution not only in terms of Portugals global position at the time, especially its historic colonialism, but what all players thought and expressed in the run-up to the 25th of April. Attention is paid to the immediate post-revolution period, and the national, political and military choices made as this unexpected path to democracy took hold.

In Mozambique and Guinea, the Portuguese colonial administration had to deal with Muslimcommunities of significant population expression and whose internal cultural differentiationspresented a complexity to which the administrative power was often unprepared. The exercise ofthis governance, with all the variations that characterized it, extended throughout the period thatthe colonial project lasted, from the phase of effective military occupation, in the transition fromthe nineteenth to the twentieth century, until the end of the colonial wars in 1974.In this chronological segment, Portuguese Colonialism and Islam seeks to address thecircumstances of the colonial governance and regulation of those populations, focusing on:(1) The representations and images of Islam and Muslims that the agents of Portuguesecolonialism produced at significant stages of the period, the recurrence of this imagery, itsevolution, and the way it interacted with the concrete policies of control and governance of thepopulations. (2) The changes that such policies underwent, oscillating between a posture ofambivalent hostility, more visible in the 1930s to 1950s and more present in Mozambique than inGuinea, and a strategy of rapprochement with the Islamic leadership and their religiousenticement, a strategy developed in the final phase of the Colonial War as part of the fightagainst nationalist movements. (3) The critical eye with which representatives of former colonialpowers followed the Portuguese policies of governance of Islam, expressed in the testimonies ofconsuls-general of France and the United Kingdom, and documents conveying how diplomaticbodies perceived the Portuguese colonial system.

The Portuguese revolution of April 25, 1974, has drawn much well-deserved scholarly attention: it offers an innovative example of a leftist military-led revolutionary process that unexpectedly resulted in the transition to a West European-style social democracy. Although much of the existing scholarship has logically focused on the emerging political elites and institutions of the period, there is much more to consider about the revolution’s ramifications to the Portuguese social-movement sector.This volume examines the legacy of social movements that emerged during the Portuguese Revolution. Each case study was selected to demonstrate the breadth and variety of the Revolution’s activist landscape, as well as the challenges of mobilization during regime transitions. As a whole, the volume offers an exploration of the imprint that social movements left on Portuguese democracy.The chapters help us answer a variety of pertinent questions. Which social movements have survived post April 25? How did those movements adapt to the new institutional context? How have they remained relevant? Which issues/impacts did these organizations have that are still resonant today? Which repertoires of contention remain in the toolkit of tactics that current social movements use? What has been their impact on the quality of Portuguese democracy?

This book explores the role of science in the short stories of Machado de Assis, focusing on works such as ‘O Alienista’ (1882), ‘A Sereníssima República’ (1882), and ‘Idéias de Canário’ (1899). It examines how Machado uses scientific theories as literary and sociological devices to critique modern state institutions, including hospitals, prisons and government-sponsored medical projects. His scepticism extends to the liberal and politically independent scientific discourse of late nineteenth-century Brazil, a period of profound political, economic and social change.By questioning the idealized figure of the rational scientist, Machado exposes the racial and economic hierarchies upheld by the dominant intelligentsia. Madness, egocentrism and the use of fantastic elements—such as talking animals and absurd situations—engage with the ancient tradition of the fable to highlight social tensions. The result is an ethically charged poetics of unreason, shaped by an ironic scepticism toward Romantic nationalism, literary naturalism, and scientific positivism, particularly in relation to race, gender, class, and nationality.Perfect for scholars of literature, history, and cultural studies, this book reinterprets Machado de Assis as a radical thinker whose fiction offers a penetrating critique of race, gender and class in the making of modern Brazil. It can also serve as an initial study for many interdisciplinary interpretations of his work, opening new perspectives on his engagement with science and politics.

Global social inequality has declined over the past 100 years and the gap between different parts of the world, measured by average lifespan, has narrowed. The internal gap between wealthy and poor in the western world has likewise reduced, from the 1930s to the 1970s, although not in a linear way. The 1980s represented a turning point in developed countries, as the top 0.1% of income earners accumulated extraordinary riches. This new trend did not subside with the financial crisis of 2008, but expanded to less developed areas of the world; indeed, long-term significant reduction of poverty is now considered vulnerable. Inequality of income and its associated impacts has triggered a passionate debate between those who maintain that an unequal accumulation of richness is crucial for economic and social progress and those who believe that it does not encourage investment and that it prevents increased demand, thus negatively affecting the economy. This contributed volume sets out to study social inequality in Portuguese-speaking countries, thus providing diversification of experience across different continents. The purpose is to identify major economic, historical and cultural developments in terms of education, health, life-cycle, gender, ethnic, and religious relations. The current realities of migration are also addressed, since they raise the issue of ethnic integration. This is the first published work to address inequality in a cross-continent yet same language perspective, and presents a striking advance in the global study of inequality.

Portugal's European Union honeymoon has officially ended. It was the victim of a Europe-wide political and financial crisis and an unstable EU identity increasingly splintered along regional and economic fractures. What does this mean for the former good student of European democracy? The answer may lie in renewed Portuguese efforts to deepen and strengthen ties with Lusophone countries across the globe, which since 1996 have been organized into a supranational organization called the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP). While Portugal's marginality in relation to Europe might be emphasized in the corridors of Brussels, within the realm of the CPLP the former world power can once again see itself as existing at the center geographically as well as from a historic-cultural perspective of an extensive international milieu. The Lusophone World: The Evolution of Portuguese National Narratives explores the dialectic between Portugal's sense of identity and belonging in the EU and the CPLP. It provides an analysis of the manner in which Portugal's institutional allegiances to both of these organizations have impacted the political, economic, and social fabric of the nation. The fact that Portugal is turning to its former colonies as alternate partners in trade, commerce, emigration, and development initiatives may not be evidence of straightforward estrangement from the European continent. More likely, Portugal appears to be riding a fresh wave of what it means to be modern in the European milieu. This new concept of modernity, related to rhetoric of hybridity and a self-professed position as interlocutor, could be evidence of a deeper understanding of the new tools needed to survive and prosper in a rapidly-changing European Union.

Portugal's European Union honeymoon has officially ended. It was the victim of a Europe-wide political and financial crisis and an unstable EU identity increasingly splintered along regional and economic fractures. What does this mean for the former good student of European democracy? The answer may lie in renewed Portuguese efforts to deepen and strengthen ties with Lusophone countries across the globe, which since 1996 have been organized into a supranational organization called the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP). While Portugal's marginality in relation to Europe might be emphasized in the corridors of Brussels, within the realm of the CPLP the former world power can once again see itself as existing at the center geographically as well as from a historic-cultural perspective of an extensive international milieu. The Lusophone World: The Evolution of Portuguese National Narratives explores the dialectic between Portugal's sense of identity and belonging in the EU and the CPLP. It provides an analysis of the manner in which Portugal's institutional allegiances to both of these organizations have impacted the political, economic, and social fabric of the nation. The fact that Portugal is turning to its former colonies as alternate partners in trade, commerce, emigration, and development initiatives may not be evidence of straightforward estrangement from the European continent. More likely, Portugal appears to be riding a fresh wave of what it means to be modern in the European milieu. This new concept of modernity, related to rhetoric of hybridity and a self-professed position as interlocutor, could be evidence of a deeper understanding of the new tools needed to survive and prosper in a rapidly-changing European Union.

Electoral and parliamentary arenas play a crucial role in the configuration and dynamics of modern polities. This book explores the practices of citizenship and unveils the fabric of representation in the Iberian countries, during a significant period of liberal politics, that is, from its apogee to its collapse (from the 1870s to the 1920s). Part One examines the evolution of electoral norms and behaviour, as well as the recruitment profile of MPs. Portugal and Spain share fundamental features, such as the extensive clientelistic mobilisation of voters, the dissemination of fraud and corruption, the supremacy of governmental parties and the prevalence of the politics of notables. Part Two focuses on Parliament, questioning constitutional models, internal procedures, legislative action and political activity, as well as coetaneous perceptions and images of the institution and its actors as portrayed in novels, newspaper chronicles, cartoons and photographic reports. This collection of essays offers a detailed and cogent analysis, as well as a vivid picture, of the politics of representation in Portuguese and Spanish liberalism, revealing significant similarities and differences through cross-country comparisons.

Prime Minister Marcello Caetano was the successor of Antonio de Oliveira Salazar. Considered the second most important figure of the Portuguese dictatorship (the Estado Novo regime, 1933-1974), Caetano has generated considerable disagreement amongst scholars with regard to his persona and politics; some consider him more authoritarian than his predecessor, others more liberal. After providing background on his childhood and entry to university, the author explains his growing activism in the Integralismo Lusitano and in the Catholic Church; his monarchist and nationalist ideology. Caetano's decision to support the Salazar Regime coincided with publications in the mainstream media on corporatism, colonialism, European politics and the relationship between Brazil and Portugal. His role in the office of General Secretary of Mocidade Portuguesa (MP), an organization of Portuguese youth similar to the fascist youth organizations in Italy or Germany, was at odds with his neutrality policy in the Second World War. The leadership of Uniao Nacional (the single party of the regime) and the presidency of the Camara Corportiva (a parliament for corporative interests) led to national recognition at a time when the Portuguese regime had to reform its colonial policy. His tensions with other notables of Salazarism resulted in his political demotion and devotion toward the University in the 1960s. As Rector of Lisbon University he supported universities' autonomy, dividing public opinion. Caetano's Presidency (beginning in September 1968) reflected the tense relationship between the government and the liberal wing on the colonial crisis. Ultimately this led to the final crisis of the New State regime; the fragmentation of the armed forces; and the Carnation Revolution on April 25, 1974. During his exile in Brazil between 1974 and 1980 Caetano maintained correspondence with his Portuguese friends. These correspondences, introduced and explained by Francisco Martinho, are of exceptional importance in understanding Portugal's contemporary political history.

The first Portuguese Republic stood between 1910 and 1926. A characteristic of the Republican period was the strong civil participation, particularly by the urban population. Freedom of press and of association became constitutional rights and incentivized a powerful and very diversified associative movement in which trade unions and friendly societies stood out in the political spectrum as they promoted popular education and culture. The time-span studied is characterized by Portugals colonial expansion in Africa, an important factor in Portugals involvement in the Great War. As changes in education, in the concept and structure of family and in the status of women linked with the new politics, so emerged a different relationship between State and Church, new avenues for the development of economic activity, an increased focus on better labour conditions, and emigration to Brazil. Miriam Halpern Pereira provides a clear overview of the Republics many achievements and the internal political and wider international limitations resulting in its downfall. The political, social and cultural causes of the military overthrow of the first Portuguese Republic are analyzed against the backdrop of the concomitant rise of fascist regimes in other European countries in the years preceding the 1929 Depression. The work provides a much needed updated synthesis of the myriad circumstances of the period, and is intended for both the general public and students of modern Europe. In a clear and concise style Between Liberalism and Democracy sheds new light on a controversial epoch of Portuguese history.

Fernando Pessoa is one of the greatest poets of the 20th century. Until some years ago known in the English-speaking world only among a minority of connaisseurs, his work is finally becoming available in English translations, and more are in the process of reaching the literary public. Born in Lisbon in 1888, Pessoa was only forty-seven when he died, but he left behind a staggering number of unpublished manuscripts that are still being screened and brought to light. George Steiner heralded the day Pessoa discovered his major Portuguese heteronyms, for no country had ever seen the birth of four great poets in a single day. That was a reference to the personae Pessoa created, the famous heteronyms Alberto Caeiro, Alvaro de Campos, and Ricardo Reis, besides the man himself -- all poets in their own right with their biographies and even critical exchanges among themselves. Today well over a hundred Pessoa heteronyms are known, including, notably, the semi-heteronym Bernardo Soares, author of The Book of Disquiet, presently available in two English translations. Lately, another Pessoa is emerging -- an English writer, as well as a thinker. Indeed, having been educated in Durban, South Africa, where his stepfather was the consul of Portugal, the poet had a strong English education that shaped his life and thought. George Monteiro has been in the forefront of the uncovering of this side of Pessoa. Author, among many other works, of The Presence of Pessoa: English, American, and Southern African Literary Responses, and Fernando Pessoa and Nineteenth-Century Anglo-American Literature, in this volume Monteiro continues to explore and interpret the world of Pessoa to English-speaking readers.

The book title comes from Aubrey Bells Portugal of the Portuguese (1916): Since the murder of King Carlos and of the Crown Prince Luis Felipe on the 1st of February 1908. A swarm of writers have descended like locusts on the land The methodology is to connect a specific group of critics in the years before the First World War to a constellation of general attitudes about Portugal and the Portuguese-speaking world. Intersecting personal narratives are used, not as an argument for individual agency as dominant cause of historical change, but as contrasting discourses upon revisited events. The primary focus is to explain how the critical context of Portugals history that incubated The Locusts crystalised into the pressure group to free political prisoners. A key part of that context was the extant campaign against Portuguese slavery in West Africa. E. M. Tenison, the Secretary of the British Protest Committee, left a unique 200-page unpublished personal memoir, previously unconsulted by any published historian. The historiography of the First Republic in English is slight. There are no comparative studies in book form, just a few scholarly articles on diplomacy alone (for example. by Glyn Stone, Richard Langhorne). And likewise, there is no study of Anglo-Portuguese relations from below, i.e. popular pressure to influence government policy. British Critics of Portugal before the First World War problematises Anglo-Portuguese relations around the concept forwarded by Amilcar Cabral, and others, that Portuguese colonialism was the colonialism of the semi-colonised. It makes a broader contribution to the study of empires, and to the causes of the First World War in AngloPortugueseGerman relations.

The Eruption of Insular Identities explores themes common to the literatures of the Azores and Cape Verde, two isolated archipelagos in the former Portuguese empire but contemporaneously in the Portuguese-speaking world. In the 1930s, writers from both archipelagoes initiated projects to explore acorianidade and caboverdianidade, firmly placing narratives within their respective regional spaces, a tradition that would be continued by following generations. Despite vast differences in the realities in the two archipelagos in terms of race and politics, the insularity lent itself to two bodies of literature with striking similarities. The authors aim is to set out these similarities as a means to understanding the differences in rhetoric and treatment of this commonality. Earlier scholarly work has suggested the comparison, but this book is the first extensive study comparing the literatures of the two archipelagoes. Within the field of Lusophone studies, the study of Lusophone African literatures are gaining international literary appeal. Cape Verdean writer Germano Almeida won the Premio Camoes in 2018, one of the most prestigious awards for Portuguese-language authors. His work is explored extensively in the volume. The Eruption of Insular Identities provides a perspective on Cape Verdean literature that brings to the fore the nations social reality and literary production its individual insularity which distances it from most of the other Lusophone African nations. And it provides an in-depth comparison to the second region under study, the Azores.