Studies in Industrial Organization – serie

For over three decades the airline industry has continued to maintain a high profile in the public mind and in public policy interest. This high profile is probably not surprising. There does seem to be something inherently newsworthy about airplanes and the people and companies that fly them. The industry was one of the first major industries in the United States to undergo deregulation, in 1978. It thereby transitioned from a closely regulated sector (the former Civil Aeronautics Board tightly controlled everyt thing from prices to routes to entry) to one that is largely market oriented. The incumbent carriers transformed themselves from the point-to-point operators that the CAB had required to the hub-and-spokes structures that took better advantage of their network characteristics. Further, they transformed their pricing from the quite simple structures that the CAB had required to the highly differentiated/segmented pricing structures (“yield management”) that reached an apogee in the late 1990s. Some ca arriers, like American, Delta, and United, were better at this transition; others, like Pan American, TWA, and Eastern, were not. What the incumbent carriers did not do, however, was deal with their costly wage and work rules structures, which were an enduring legacy of their regulatory period. This legacy, when combined with the high-fare end of the yield-management pricing structure, has made them vulnerable to entry by new carriers with lower cost structures.

This book contains the key-note lectures and a selection of papers that were presented at the 15th Conference of the European Association for Research in Industrial Econo­ mics (EARlE) held under the auspices of GRASP at Erasmus University Rotterdam in 1988, plus an introductory chapter by the Editors. Upon suggestions by the Editors, all papers have been revised for this book, some more extensively than others. Robin Marris has added to his lecture a synopsis of the contributions to the Round Table on the Micro-Macro Interface which he chaired during the Conference. The papers cover issues that seem to be both interesting and relevant for the 1990s. While some of the papers are cast in a rather established research frame -enabling the use of regular academic routines - others are first attempts at delineating the contours of areas that are peripheral to what is often considered as the core of Industrial Organization. In their introductory chapter, the Editors set forth that a neglect of those areas may well relegate Industrial Organization to social irrelevancy. Therefore, it is hoped that the book will also contribute to a reflection on the main lines of Industrial Organization research for the 1990s -thus helping to create a healthy perspective for this part of economics at a time when macroeconomics is undergoing a severe crisis.

Competition in Europe, which has been chosen as the title for the Essays in Honour of Henk W. de Jong, contains two key concepts, that characterize his scientific contribution to Industrial Organisation. Professor H.W. de Jong is in the first place an economist who is highly inspired by the dynamics of markets in general and the dynamics and conditions of compe­ tition in particular. In the second place, H.W. de Jong is a real European economist, not in the sense that his theoretical insights are limited to Europe, but in the sense that his ideas and policy suggestions - especially those concerning competition policy - reflect his sincere involvement in the European inte­ gration process and the economic conditions and perspectives of a Common Market for the European Community. In his many illustrations of the evolution of markets and the performance of enterprises in different business environments, H.W. de Jong also demonstrates his knowledge of historical and political aspects of different economies in Europe, often in comparison with the United States and Japan.

Writing this book would have been impossible without the help of certain institutions and persons. For a gas-producing and oil-processing country like the Netherlands, there was surprisingly very little, publicly available, research material. Public libraries' collections contained, with a certain degree of inconsistency, little of the more specialised sources. I would therefore like to express my gratitude towards Royal Dutch Shell, and especially the library staff in The Hague, for allowing me to use the company's library, thanking them for their assistance in finding and supplying the required data. I am also grateful for the financial assistance of the 'Nederlandse organisatie voor wetenschappelijk onderzoek' (NWO) and the Faculty of Law of the University of Leiden. They provided the financial means to work a (crucial) month in the very well equipped library of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. I am indebted to the staff of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, and particularly to Robert Mabro and Jeremy Turk, for their comments, support, and friendship. After I spent a month in the Institute in July 1989, I was able to return for two five-month periods in 1990 and 1991. For both periods, the Oxford Institute and the Leiden Law Faculty provided me with the necessary means. I would also like to express special gratitude to some people who have been a great support and supplied me with valuable comments at various stages of the study.

"Empirical Studies in Industrial Organization" brings together leading scholars who present state-of-the-art research in the spirit of the structure-conduct-performance paradigm embodied in the work of Leonard W. Weiss. The individual chapters are generally empirically or public policy oriented. A number of them introduce new sources of data that, combined with the application of appropriate econometric techniques, enable new breakthroughs and insights on issues hotly debated in the industrial organization literature. For example, five of the chapters are devoted towards uncovering the link between market concentration and pricing behavior. While theoretical models have produced ambiguous predictions concerning the relationship between concentration and price, these chapters, which span a number of different markets and situations, provide evidence that a high level of market concentration tends to result in a higher level of prices. Three of the chapters explore the impact of market structure on production efficiency, and three other chapters focus on the role of industrial organization on public policy.

If a book needs a third edition, because the previous ones are sold out, one may well question whether an introduction is necessary. However, the Structure of European Industry was meant to be a flexible book, keeping it in tune with actual developments in the European Community. Some explanation is therefore required. Two new chapters on the services industry have been included, to recognize the growing importance of what is fundamentally a bundle of industries. It is also increasingly acknowledged, that the motorcar industry, for its efficiency and innovativeness, is very much dependent on the numerous suppliers, large and small, of the component parts industry. A chapter, reflecting on the strengths and weaknesses of the European car supplying industries is therefore most welcome. Finally, European competition policy, now fitted out with the Merger Control Regulation is moving more and more towards the centre of stage and the final chapter presents a survey of the ~ims and achievements of this type of policy, up till now steadfastly developed by the EC Commission. For the rest, the chapters which were already in the previous edition, have been updated and have partly been rewritten by the authors concerned. The editor is most grateful to old and new contributors for their efforts to jointly produce a book which, after 12 years, is still unique in providing a European, instead of a national focus on industries and markets.

This book - a renewed, third edition of the successful 1981 and 1988 works, published under the same title - contains 12 essays on the economic organization of important industries in the EC. Expert economists from universities and research institutes in France, Italy, Germany, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, discuss basic industrial, manufacturing and services sectors from a structural and operational point of view. Their contributions unravel the strengths and weaknesses of these sectors now that "1992" has arrived. The focus of the book, European instead of "national", the key feature qualifying the previous editions, has been retained. In addition to the sectoral studies, the editor has written an introductory essay which deals with the concept of market structure, allowing the reader to understand both the theoretical background and the terms used in the following chapters. The book concludes with a survey of European competition policy, which has gained in scope and importance, particularly with the advent of merger control.

This text presents a collection of papers which evaluate the achievements of the Australian Trade Practices Act 1974 in making Australian markets more competitive. The contributors have all played major roles in Australian and New Zealand antitrust actions, either as expert economic witnesses, as antitrust enforcers, as judges or as quasi-judicial administrators. It presents an economic analysis of the Act and the cases decided under it in thefirst two decades of its operation. As well as an introductory paper, this collection includes a foreword by the Hon. George Gear, Assistant Treasurer of the Australian Government and Minister responsible for the administration of the Act, plus two broad analytical overviews of the last two decades of Australian antitrust actions by two economists who have continually been at the heart of antitrust proceedings. In addition, papers are provided which give a judicial view of the Act and economic analysis, which compare the Act with its New Zealand counterpart. Other contributions look in detail at those sections of the Act which cover mergers, misuse of market power, price-fixing and vertical practices.The book shows that the Act has had a major impact on Australian market behavior. Judges, lawyers and economists between them have produced a truly Australian approach to antitrust, which has reflected overseas trends in both law and economics, as well as developed an Australian flavour. The book should be of interest to academic and practicing lawyers and economists, judges and corporate executives. It should be essential reading for Australian students in undergraduate courses in antitrust law, business regulation, antitrust economics and industrial organization. It provides a comprehensive economic evaluation of Australian antitrust and important information on this topic for non-Australians interested in comparative antitrust legislation and enforcement issues.

This text comprises a selection of papers presented at the recent meeting of the European Association of Research in Industrial Economics (EARIE). It brings together 20 papers reflecting frontier research in modern industrial organization. The contributions cover a broad spectrum of increasing theoretical, empirical and policy issues including analyses of: the nature of the firm; product differentiation, research and development; strategic alliances; information sharing in the banking sector; exchange rate pass-through in international competition; labor unionization and product rivalry; buyer-supplier bargaining; multimarket competition and related entry; entry and exit processes; multinational enterprises in the Third World; European integration; and the restructuring of Eastern Europe. From a theoretical perspective, many chapters apply game theory to the analysis of firm behaviours and market competition.

Some books get written, others write themselves. This book is the latter type. I have devoted myselfto studying the economic organization of industries related to food and agriculture for almost twenty-five years. It has been my good fortune to work at places that tolerated my gadfly approach to research. So long as I produced a few publications each year and wooed a few graduate students to share those interests, I was free to pursue an array of topics: why firms diversifY, the competitive role of advertising, strategies for selling in overseas markets, measuring market power, and many others. Although firmly anchored in the eclectic analytical framework of industrial economics and focused on the food system, I traversed a wide field at will. Some years ago, I had pretty much convinced myself that naked price fixing was not a high priority for scholarship in these industries. True, collusion was rife in a few food industries, such as bid-rigging among suppliers of fluid milk to school districts in isolated rural districts. Ripping off milk money from school children is reprehensible enough, but the size of the economic losses from localized price fixing paled besides other sources of imperfect competition.

Industry Structure and Pricing: The New Rivalry in Infrastructure extends current economic models by incorporating effects of actual and potential rivalry in markets outside the markets of immediate interest. Focusing on the contestable model, the author shows how diverse patterns of actual and potential rivalry, called multilateral rivalry or MLR, affect the appropriateness of many regulatory policies. It is specifically shown that many conclusions of the contestability literature are overly generous to firms that might want to protect or extend their monopoly positions. While this book's refinement to existing economic theory gives strong results, it is still based on static production functions and demands - integrated to provide a dynamic view of multilateral rivalry.

Oil-producing countries are being challenged in the international oil market by the large international oil companies. The large private international oil companies, already comparable in size to the largest of the NOCs, have managed to make significant advances in efficiency in the field of organization, finance, human capital and technology. Their ability to compete has improved dramatically since 1973. Moreover, the availability of opportunities for exploration in the former Soviet Union has allowed the private international oil companies to expand their activities and lure capital away from the OPEC countries. As a result, the average cost of a barrel of oil produced by the private companies has decreased substantially since the 1970s. At the same time, costs for the NOCs have increased due to organizational inefficiencies. The difference between "low-cost-extraction" oil and "high-cost-extraction" oil, the critical element in the competitive advantage of the OPEC countries, has been significantly narrowed.Unless the oil-producing countries acknowledge the root of their problems, they will end up surrendering their remaining competitive advantage by clinging to an obsolete oil regime.

This book is based on the papers presented at a conference on "New Issues in Industrial Economics" held at Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, June 8-10, 1987. The conference was organized by the Research Program in Industrial Economics (RPIE) in the Department of Economics at CWRU and was sponsored by The Cleveland Foundation, the Eaton Corporation, and The Standard Oil Company (later renamed BP America, Inc.). Their generous support is gratefully acknowledged. All of the papers have been revised, in several cases extensively, since their presentation at the conference. One of the primary reasons for organizing the conference was the concern that Industrial Economics has become too narrowly focused in most academic programs, largely being confined to Industrial Organization, i.e., issues of public policy towards enterprise with emphasis on antitrust and regulatory policy. This subject definition leaves out a number of interesting and important questions about how industries evolve over time, what the role of technological change (and organizational change) is in that process, and the associated structural changes within industries and firms. The object of this book is to derme these issues and suggest a framework within which they can be analyzed. I would like to thank all the conference participants for their contributions, particularly my colleagues at CWRU, Asim Erdilek and William S. Peirce, without whose encouragement and support the conference would not have taken place.

Oil is the lifeblood of the global economy, and its misuse carries the risk of heavy economic and environmental penalties. This book is a collection of essays bearing on economic growth and environmental concerns for a world that will continue to be dependent on oil throughout the next century.Topics include the outlook for petroleum demand and supply, the potential for alternatives to a petroleum-based economy, the costs of controlling automobile emissions, the environmental costs of moving oil by tanker and pipeline, and competition issues in the production and distribution of petroleum products. The wide range of topics reflects the many different ways in which petroleum and use affect the quality of our lives.The essays are the end results of an initiative by the University of California Energy Institute and reflect careful research into the costs and benefits of the petroleum economy. Together, they offer new insights into the critical task of living with oil, for today and for the future.

The Evolution of the US Airline Industry discusses the evolution of the hub-and-spoke network system and the associated price discrimination strategy, as the post-deregulation dominant business model of the major incumbent airlines and its breakdown in the early 2000s. It highlights the role that aircraft -- as a production input -- and the aircraft manufacturers' strategy have played in shaping this dominant business model in the 1990s. Fierce competition between Airbus and Boeing and plummeting new aircraft prices in the early 2000s have fueled low-cost competition of unprecedented scope, that destroyed the old business model. The impact of the manufacturers' strategy on these trends has been overlooked by industry observers, who have traditionally focused on the demand for air travel and labor costs as the most critical elements in future trends and survivability of major network airlines. The book debates the impact and merit of government regulation of the industry. It examines uncertainty, information problems, and interest group structures that have shaped environmental and safety regulations.These regulations disregard market signals and deviate from standard economic principles of social efficiency and public interest. The Evolution of the US Airline Industry also debates the applicability of traditional antitrust analysis and policies, which conflict with the complex dynamics of real-life airline competition. It questions the regulator's ability to interpret industry conduct in real time, let alone predict or change its course towards a "desirable" direction. The competitive response of the low-cost startup airlines surprised many antitrust proponents, who believed the major incumbent airlines practically blocked significant new entry. This creative market response, in fact, destroyed the major incumbents' power to discriminate pricing -- a task the antitrust efforts failed to accomplish.

Industry Structure and Pricing: The New Rivalry in Infrastructure extends current economic models by incorporating effects of actual and potential rivalry in markets outside the markets of immediate interest. Focusing on the contestable model, the author shows how diverse patterns of actual and potential rivalry, called multilateral rivalry or MLR, affect the appropriateness of many regulatory policies. It is specifically shown that many conclusions of the contestability literature are overly generous to firms that might want to protect or extend their monopoly positions. While this book's refinement to existing economic theory gives strong results, it is still based on static production functions and demands - integrated to provide a dynamic view of multilateral rivalry.

This volume records the proceedings at the Fifth School of Thoracic Medicine held at the Ettore Majorana School of International Scientific Culture in March 1981. Foregathered there were a heterogeneous group comprising clinicians, pathologists, ultra-microscopists, biochemists, immunologists, cellular biologists and physiologists and they presented the twenty seven papers seen in the contents list. The discussion which followed each paper was faithfully recorded (and where necessary translated) and may be found after each author's presentation. This free discussion is perhaps the most valuable part of the School of Thoracic Medicine, and most clearly defines the present boundaries of knowledge, and the directions in which enquiry is being pursued. The collaboration of many people made the production of this book possible - for the translation and the discussion typescript Miss Guiliana de Ferio, for the final typing and layout Miss Corinne Wade ably assisted by Miss Karen Wadey and Miss Kim Lekstrom. The illustrations have been dealt with where necessary by Mr. John Griffiths and the production of the book was done at The Midhurst Medical Research Institute prior to its delivery to Plenum Press. CONTENTS The Innervation of Bronchial Mucosa • • • • • • • -. • • • • 1 Peter K. Jeffery Cell Division and Differentiation in Bronchial Epithelium • • • • • • • • • • • • • 33 Margaret Ayers and Peter K. Jeffery Cilia • 61 Bjorn A.

Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Chapter 2 REDRAWING THE BOUNDARIES BETWEEN STATE AND COMPANY . . . 3 Chapter 3 STATE PARTICIPATION IN THE ECONOMY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Chapter 4 INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC INSTABILITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Chapter 5 THE FAILURE OF OPEC TO SECURE ECONOMIC RENTS . . . . . . . . . . 67 Chapter 6 TURNING BLACK GOLD INTO DEVELOPMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Chapter 7 NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Chapter 8 AMBITIOUS CONSOLIDATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Chapter 9 STRATEGIC CONSOLIDATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 PREFACE This book has been kicking around my desk for quite some time. On and off I returned to my work on the role of the state in the economy and the international oil market, but for a long time I was not satisfied with the shape it was in. I understand now that I needed the insights developed over the past couple of years on the role of the state, regulation, liberalization, privatization, and the recent events in the international oil industry to bring all my ideas together in a more coherent format. It was the events that followed the Asian financial crisis that drew me back to finish writing this book. The early beginnings of this book were developed atthe Institute of International Affairs, Chatham I-louse, in London, where I was a research fellow with the Energy and Environment Programme in 1992 and 1993. At the Colorado School of Mines, I had the opportunity to test my ideas in a graduate class, and continue the research.

Some books get written, others write themselves. This book is the latter type. I have devoted myselfto studying the economic organization of industries related to food and agriculture for almost twenty-five years. It has been my good fortune to work at places that tolerated my gadfly approach to research. So long as I produced a few publications each year and wooed a few graduate students to share those interests, I was free to pursue an array of topics: why firms diversifY, the competitive role of advertising, strategies for selling in overseas markets, measuring market power, and many others. Although firmly anchored in the eclectic analytical framework of industrial economics and focused on the food system, I traversed a wide field at will. Some years ago, I had pretty much convinced myself that naked price fixing was not a high priority for scholarship in these industries. True, collusion was rife in a few food industries, such as bid-rigging among suppliers of fluid milk to school districts in isolated rural districts. Ripping off milk money from school children is reprehensible enough, but the size of the economic losses from localized price fixing paled besides other sources of imperfect competition.

I have devoted myself to studying the economic organization of industries for thirty years. It has been my good fortune to work at places that tol- ated my gadfly approach to research. So long as I produced a few publi- tions each year and wooed a few graduate students to share those interests, I was free to sample a smorgasbord of economic delights: why firms div- sify, the competitive role of advertising, strategies for selling in overseas markets, measuring market power, and many others. Although firmly - chored in the eclectic analytical framework of industrial economics and focused on the food system, I traversed a wide field at will. A decade ago I had pretty much convinced myself that naked price fixing was not a high priority for scholarship. True, collusion was rife in a few industries, such as bid-rigging among suppliers of fluid milk to school districts in isolated rural districts. Ripping off milk money from school children is reprehensible enough, but the size of the economic losses from localized price fixing paled besides other sources of imperfect competition. Moreover, there were no great policy debates about the wisdom or me- ods of enforcing the price-fixing prohibitions in the Nation’s antitrust laws.

I have devoted myself to studying the economic organization of industries for thirty years. It has been my good fortune to work at places that tol- ated my gadfly approach to research. So long as I produced a few publi- tions each year and wooed a few graduate students to share those interests, I was free to sample a smorgasbord of economic delights: why firms div- sify, the competitive role of advertising, strategies for selling in overseas markets, measuring market power, and many others. Although firmly - chored in the eclectic analytical framework of industrial economics and focused on the food system, I traversed a wide field at will. A decade ago I had pretty much convinced myself that naked price fixing was not a high priority for scholarship. True, collusion was rife in a few industries, such as bid-rigging among suppliers of fluid milk to school districts in isolated rural districts. Ripping off milk money from school children is reprehensible enough, but the size of the economic losses from localized price fixing paled besides other sources of imperfect competition. Moreover, there were no great policy debates about the wisdom or me- ods of enforcing the price-fixing prohibitions in the Nation’s antitrust laws.

This paper presents findings from a study of the cement industries in France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom. Its purpose is to determine, as far as is possible, the extent to which the structure and performance of each industry has been influenced by the control of the market exercised by public auth­ orities, by the industries themselves, or by both acting together. The cement industry was chosen for its relative 'simplicity' and because it offers a good sample of different public policy approaches to the regulation of private markets. Although there are numerous major factors complicating inter­ national comparison, the industry is simple to analyse because it has a rela­ tively homogeneous product derived from very spread-out raw materials and it uses easily acquired technology to the diffusion of which there are no barriers. The different national industries discussed all had a similar history of private regulation of the market for the first half of the 20th century, during which time cartels proliferated, except when they occasionally collapsed under the pressure of price cutting stimulated by excess capacity. Since the Second World War, however, governments have differed in their approach to market regulation, and the four country studies illustrate a range of different approaches which covers the French experience of strict price control as an instrument ofindustrial policy, the Italian experience of weaker price control, a legal cartelin the U. K.

Research into interlocking directorates and other organizational ties between large corporations dates back to the beginning of the century. In Germany and the United States interlocking directorates became an important means of coordination and control of large corporations and banks at the end of the nineteenth century and were, as a result, particularly subject to scientific investigation and public debate. Trusts were regarded with mistrust, especially in the United States, where John Moody's study from 1904 was significantly entitled The Truth about Trusts. In Germany much attention was paid to the role-or-the large Berlin banks in the economic development. The first large study in Germany carried the prolix title The Relationship between the Large German Banks and Industry with Special Reference to the Iron Industry (Jeidels, 1905). ---- --------- The studies in the United States were predominantly induced and even carried out by committees of the Federal Congress. In Europe, on the other hand, the labor movement soon became interested in the patterns of interlocking directorates. In the Netherlands, for example, Wibaut, a socialist leader, carried out a study on interlocking directorates, copying the research design of Jeidels. Accordingly, two different schools can be distinguished from the start: the Marxian school which developed the concept of finance capital to explain the existing interlocking directorates, and the institutional economists who used the concept of economic power to explain the same phenomenon.

In the present stage of integration, private and public market integration is really what the European Community is all about. A stable security settin- itself, in part, a result of European integration - and cooperative politics in Western Europe have enabled the creation and maintenance of an elaborate legal system and common institutions facilitating the unification of product markets throughout the Community. Of course, the pervasive and incessant politicisation of Community decision-making at the Ministerial level tends to diminish attention for what actually happens in the Community industrial markets, while also obscuring its profound economic impact on Europeah society. It is precisely from the fascination with this vivid 'core' of the European Community that this book has arisen. I have attempted to combine empirical economic analysis, and a minimum of institutional description, with economic theory. Access to theory has been facilitated by the avoidance of algebraic tools, employing - only where necessary - geometric tools. In combining the analytical traditions of international and industrial economics, linked to a fairly detailed institutional economics of legal arrangements and competences at the EC level, it is hoped to provide the relevant tools to comprehend the industrial Euromarkets.

In the present stage of integration, private and public market integration is really what the European Community is all about. A stable security settin- itself, in part, a result of European integration - and cooperative politics in Western Europe have enabled the creation and maintenance of an elaborate legal system and common institutions facilitating the unification of product markets throughout the Community. Of course, the pervasive and incessant politicisation of Community decision-making at the Ministerial level tends to diminish attention for what actually happens in the Community industrial markets, while also obscuring its profound economic impact on Europeah society. It is precisely from the fascination with this vivid 'core' of the European Community that this book has arisen. I have attempted to combine empirical economic analysis, and a minimum of institutional description, with economic theory. Access to theory has been facilitated by the avoidance of algebraic tools, employing - only where necessary - geometric tools. In combining the analytical traditions of international and industrial economics, linked to a fairly detailed institutional economics of legal arrangements and competences at the EC level, it is hoped to provide the relevant tools to comprehend the industrial Euromarkets.

The publication of this clinically analytical and trenchantly insightful volume is felicitously timed. By fortuitous coincidence, it comes at a time when the Chicago School enjoys a high-water mark of acceptance in U.S. legal circles, and at a time when the U.S. merger movement of the 1980s is cresting. It provides a welcome warning against the dangers of translating abstract theories, based on highly restrictive (and unrealistic) assumptions, into facile public policy recommendations. As such the Schmidt/Rittaler study serves as a needed antidote to the currently fashionable predilection to confuse ideology with science. In the Chicago lexicon, the only appropriate policy toward business is a policy of untrammeled laissez-faire. Because there are no market imperfec­ tions (other than government-created or trade-union-generated monopolies), the market can be trusted to regulate economic activity, inexorably meting out appropriate rewards and punishments. In this ideal world, corporate size and power can be safely ignored. After all, corporations become big only only because they are efficient, only because they are productive, only because they have served consumers better than their rivals, and only because no newcomers are good enough to challenge their dominance. Once an industrial giant becomes lethargic and no longer bestows its productive beneficence on society, it will inevitably wither and eventually die. This is the "natural law" that governs economic life. It demands obedience to its rules. It tolerates no interference by the state.

Writing this book would have been impossible without the help of certain institutions and persons. For a gas-producing and oil-processing country like the Netherlands, there was surprisingly very little, publicly available, research material. Public libraries' collections contained, with a certain degree of inconsistency, little of the more specialised sources. I would therefore like to express my gratitude towards Royal Dutch Shell, and especially the library staff in The Hague, for allowing me to use the company's library, thanking them for their assistance in finding and supplying the required data. I am also grateful for the financial assistance of the 'Nederlandse organisatie voor wetenschappelijk onderzoek' (NWO) and the Faculty of Law of the University of Leiden. They provided the financial means to work a (crucial) month in the very well equipped library of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. I am indebted to the staff of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, and particularly to Robert Mabro and Jeremy Turk, for their comments, support, and friendship. After I spent a month in the Institute in July 1989, I was able to return for two five-month periods in 1990 and 1991. For both periods, the Oxford Institute and the Leiden Law Faculty provided me with the necessary means. I would also like to express special gratitude to some people who have been a great support and supplied me with valuable comments at various stages of the study.