Alain Supiot – författare

This book is the English edition of what has become widely known as 'The Supiot Report' - a bold and far-reaching look at the changing nature of work initiated by the EC. It takes as its starting point the profound changes that have taken place in the underlying employment relationship and associated human resource practices over the past twenty years. These developments are placed in their economic, social, institutional, and legal contexts. Competitive pressures on firms, the search for greater efficiency and effectiveness in the delivery of public services, the changing role of women in society, and the desire for greater choice on the part of individuals are all important motives for change. The legal framework and the structures and organizations which represent the interests of workers and employers must respond to these changes. Drawing on illustrations from a number of European countries, the book suggests that the legal framework should encourage greater collaboration in the workplace, particularly over issues such as training. But it should also place work within its social context and facilitate genuine choices by individuals.

This book is the English edition of what has become widely known as 'The Supiot Report' - a bold and far-reaching look at the changing nature of work initiated by the EC. It takes as its starting point the profound changes that have taken place in the underlying employment relationship and associated human resource practices over the past twenty years. These developments are placed in their economic, social, and institutional contexts, while also providing a valuable comparative study of labour law in the main European countries. Competitive pressures on firms, the search for greater efficiency and effectiveness in the delivery of public services, the changing role of women in society, and the desire for greater choice on the part of individuals are all important motives for change. The legal framework and the structures and organizations which represent the interests of workers and employers must respond to these changes. Drawing on illustrations from a number of European countries, the book suggests that the legal framework should encourage greater collaboration in the workplace, particularly over issues such as training. But it should also place work within its social context and facilitate genuine choices by individuals.

The West's cherished dream of social harmony by numbers is today disrupting all our familiar legal frameworks - the state, democracy and law itself. Its scientistic vision shaped both Taylorism and Soviet Planning, and today, with 'globalisation', it is flourishing in the form of governance by numbers. Shunning the goal of governing by just laws, and empowered by the information and communication technologies, governance champions a new normative ideal of attaining measurable objectives. Programmes supplant legislation, and governance displaces government.However, management by objectives revives forms of law typical of economic vassalage. When a person is no longer protected by a law applying equally to all, the only solution is to pledge allegiance to someone stronger than oneself. Rule by law had already secured the principle of impersonal power, but in taking this principle to extremes, governance by numbers has paradoxically spawned a world ruled by ties of allegiance.

The West's cherished dream of social harmony by numbers is today disrupting all our familiar legal frameworks - the state, democracy and law itself. Its scientistic vision shaped both Taylorism and Soviet Planning, and today, with 'globalisation', it is flourishing in the form of governance by numbers. Shunning the goal of governing by just laws, and empowered by the information and communication technologies, governance champions a new normative ideal of attaining measurable objectives. Programmes supplant legislation, and governance displaces government.However, management by objectives revives forms of law typical of economic vassalage. When a person is no longer protected by a law applying equally to all, the only solution is to pledge allegiance to someone stronger than oneself. Rule by law had already secured the principle of impersonal power, but in taking this principle to extremes, governance by numbers has paradoxically spawned a world ruled by ties of allegiance.

In this groundbreaking work, French legal scholar Alain Supiot examines the relationship of society to legal discourse. He argues that the law is how justice is implemented in secular society, but it is not simply a technique to be manipulated at will: it is also an expression of the core beliefs of the West. We must recognize its universalizing, dogmatic nature and become receptive to other interpretations from non-Western cultures to help us avoid the clash of civilizations. In Homo Juridicus, Supiot deconstructs the illusion of a world that has become 'flat' and undifferentiated, regulated only by supposed 'laws' of science and the economy, and peopled by contract-makers driven by only the calculation of their individual interests.

In this groundbreaking work, French legal scholar Alain Supiot examines the relationship of society to legal discourse. He argues that the law is how justice is implemented in secular society, but it is not simply a technique to be manipulated at will: it is also an expression of the core beliefs of the West. We must recognize its universalizing, dogmatic nature and become receptive to other interpretations from non-Western cultures to help us avoid the clash of civilizations. In Homo Juridicus, Supiot deconstructs the illusion of a world that has become ''flat'' and undifferentiated, regulated only by supposed ''laws'' of science and the economy, and peopled by contract-makers driven by only the calculation of their individual interests.

In 1944, the International Labour Organization laid out its "Declaration of Philadelphia," a full-fledged social bill of rights in the same spirit as FDR''s State of the Union address of the same year. The welfarist spirit was then at its apex-but Supiot argues that with neoliberalism still rampant, even following the economic crash, the Declaration remains an important baseline. Then as now, social ties had been compromised in favor of market values; now, as then, the law must be reorganized to uphold social values and the spirit of solidarity.Short, punchy and often rousing, The Spirit of Philadelphia describes the worldwide triumph of neoliberalism as once-communist elites turn towards market dogma and the privatization of welfare states. Arguing against the return to social Darwinism, and the bureaucratic embrace of numbers and statistics as ends, Supiot champions the social democratic spirit, hoping for its revival in the wake of the recent crash.

One of the principal tasks for legal research at the beginning of the 21st century is to reconstruct the understanding of the relationship between the legal system and the market order. After almost three decades of deregulation driven by a belief in the self-equilibrating properties of the market, the financial crisis of 2008 has reminded everyone of the fundamental truth that markets have legal and institutional foundations, without which they cannot effectively function. The chapters in the present volume are the result of work by a group of legal scholars which began in the mid-2000s, at a time when the shortcomings of deregulatory policies were becoming clear in a number of contexts. The chapters address the question of how the language of contract law describes or conceptualises the market order and the relationship of the law to it. The perspectives taken are, in turn, historical, comparative, and context-specific. The focus of the book is on a foundational idea, the concept of capacitas, which signifies a status conferred upon citizens for the purpose of enabling them to participate in the economic life of the polity.In modern legal systems, 'capacity' is the principal juridical mechanism by which individuals and entities are empowered to enter into legally binding agreements and, more generally, to arrange their affairs using the instruments of private law. Legal capacity is thereby the gateway to involvement in the operations of a market economy.

One of the principal tasks for legal research at the beginning of the 21st century is to reconstruct the understanding of the relationship between the legal system and the market order. After almost three decades of deregulation driven by a belief in the self-equilibrating properties of the market, the financial crisis of 2008 has reminded everyone of the fundamental truth that markets have legal and institutional foundations, without which they cannot effectively function. The chapters in the present volume are the result of work by a group of legal scholars which began in the mid-2000s, at a time when the shortcomings of deregulatory policies were becoming clear in a number of contexts. The chapters address the question of how the language of contract law describes or conceptualises the market order and the relationship of the law to it. The perspectives taken are, in turn, historical, comparative, and context-specific. The focus of the book is on a foundational idea, the concept of capacitas, which signifies a status conferred upon citizens for the purpose of enabling them to participate in the economic life of the polity. In modern legal systems, ''capacity'' is the principal juridical mechanism by which individuals and entities are empowered to enter into legally binding agreements and, more generally, to arrange their affairs using the instruments of private law. Legal capacity is thereby the gateway to involvement in the operations of a market economy.

This book deals with the transformations that work has undergone under the pressure of the end of Fordism, the globalization, the knowledge economy, and the technological revolution. The main thesis is that such a transformation is also a challenge to affirm freer, more creative, and responsible work, capable of actively responding to the new productivity needs of innovative companies and the request for a new democratic protagonism of workers. The author, Bruno Trentin (1926-2007), was an intellectual with Marxist background, an Italian trade union leader, and a member of the European Parliament from 1999 to 2004. He is one of the most significant figures of the Italian left in the second part of the twentieth century and can be compared to Antonio Gramsci and Carlo Rosselli. His books have been translated in French, German, Spanish. This is the first English translation of one of his works. The volume is enriched with unpublished pages from his Diaries and articles published by Trentin in the same years in which he wrote Freedom Comes First, as well as in-depth texts on his thinking written by Sante Cruciani, Axel Honneth, Giovanni Mari, Alain Supiot, and Nadia Urbinati.