Ali Kazancigil – författare

This volume of fifteen original essays examines the role of political institutions in establishing democratic stability around the globe. Leading scholars survey well-established democracies, such as the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and France; relatively established democracies, such as Germany, Italy, India, and Israel; and ne

This volume of fifteen original essays examines the role of political institutions in establishing democratic stability around the globe. Leading scholars survey well-established democracies, such as the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and France; relatively established democracies, such as Germany, Italy, India, and Israel; and newly established democracies, such as Turkey, Poland, and Spain. The final chapter explores how political institutions may be connected to democracy for best performance of the political system.

This volume of fifteen original essays examines the role of political institutions in establishing democratic stability around the globe. Leading scholars survey well-established democracies, such as the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and France; relatively established democracies, such as Germany, Italy, India, and Israel; and newly established democracies, such as Turkey, Poland, and Spain. The final chapter explores how political institutions may be connected to democracy for best performance of the political system.

This highly original collection of essays, written by some of the world's best-known political scientists elucidates state-of-the-art methodological approaches to comparative politics. Giovanni Sartori and Mattei Dogan examine the applicability and validity of statistical techniques in the field. Seymour Martin Lipset considers the effectiveness of binary comparisons while John D. Martz addresses similar questions in regard of multi-state comparisons in Latin America. John Forrest offers an `asynchronic comparison' of weak contemporary African States and similar in Medieval Europe. Ali Kazancigil looks at Turkey's `high stateness' as deviant, and Mattei Dogan concludes the volume with a consideration of the applicability of Weber's typology of legitimacy.

This volume of fifteen original essays examines the role of political institutions in establishing democratic stability around the globe. Leading scholars survey well-established democracies, such as the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and France; relatively established democracies, such as Germany, Italy, India, and Israel; and newly established democracies, such as Turkey, Poland, and Spain. The final chapter explores how political institutions may be connected to democracy for best performance of the political system.

Like all great men in history, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (1881-1938) can be viewed in a number of ways: as the founder of a state, a nation-builder, creator of political institutions, a moderniser of his society, an extraordinarily capable political leader, a successful military commander, an educator of his nation, one of the first successful anti-imperialist leaders of the developing world, and a statesman who deeply believed in and contributed to world peace. In this volume Ataturk's role as the founder of a modern state, secular and republican, is emphasised: the creation of a modern state was a pre-requisite for the modernisation o society and economy, and Ataturk's policy of friendship with all nations enabled him to concentrate on his great task of building and consolidating the new Turkish state. Also, it was the intention of the editors to bring out the universal significance of the Kemalist experience and to examine the enduring lessons which other modernising societies can learn from it.Close attention is given to the historical setting from which the Kemalist republic emerged - and the elements of continuity and change between the late Ottoman Empire, particularly in the Young Turk era (1908-18), and the Kemalist republic. Such a historical perspective is specially useful since in works on great historical figures the unique personality traits often overshadow the societal factors. One of the distinguishing features of the Kemalist revolution in the Islamic world is the emphasis on secularism: Turkey remains today the only Islamic country where it is one of the basic constitutional principles, and the legal system is completely secularised. Ataturk died in the prime of life, but he remains one of the towering figures of the twentieth century and exceptionally among the political leaders of the interwar years, his reputation has not suffered with the passing of time.

Le mot de gouvernance revient désormais à tout propos, comme une espèce de brevet de compétence que les dirigeants qui l’utilisent à profusion se décernent à eux-mêmes, mais sans que « les gouvernés» que nous sommes ne comprennent en général de quoi ils parlent précisément. Cet ouvrage se propose d’éclairer «ce que gouvernance veut dire », sous ses multiples angles d’application et depuis divers lieux : l’Europe, le Mexique et l’Amérique du Nord. Le mot souvent ne fait guère que se substituer à celui de gouvernement, sans rien y ajouter, sinon une tonalité caressante inspirée par la mode. D’autres fois, pourtant, il possède des significations bien définies, mais malheureusement dispersées, applicables selon les cas à la conduite des entreprises, ou bien à la gestion des villes, ou encore au fonctionnement d’un système international en quête de procédures nouvelles. Cela sans oublier la «bonne gouvernance» exigée des pays pauvres par la Banque mondiale, de même que la gouvernance européenne qui est synonyme du mode de gouvernement post-étatique de l’Union européenne. Au constat de tous ces frémissements qui modifient l’art de mener les peuples, une question cruciale surgit finalement à l’esprit. La gouvernance n’est-elle qu’une simple méthode ou technique nouvelle de «management» de nos sociétés? Ou bien ne faudrait-il pas y voir déjà le nom d’un régime politique en gestation, futur certes, mais proche, celui d’une après-démocratie qui s’insinuerait dans nos pays sans que nous y prenions encore garde?