Andréa Becker – författare

An examination of hysterectomy and the struggle for bodily and reproductive autonomyAt least one hysterectomy is performed every minute of the year, making it the most common gynecological surgery worldwide. By the age of sixty-five, one out of five people born with a uterus will have it removed. So, why do we seldom talk about this surgery? Highly performed yet overlooked, examining the paradox of hysterectomy begins to unravel the various problems with how we medically treat uteruses and the people who have them.Get It Out weaves centuries of medical history with rich qualitative data from 100 women, trans men, and nonbinary people who had, want, or are considering hysterectomy. In compelling detail, Andréa Becker reveals how America's healthcare system routinely deprives people of the ability to control their own bodies along race and gender lines. When people ask for a hysterectomy, they are often met with pushback: Are you sick enough? Old enough? Have you had enough babies? Will you regret this? How will your future husband feel about this? Yet this pushback is not equally experienced. While some people are barred access, others are ushered toward a hysterectomy. These contradictory recommendations reveal the persistent biases entrenched within healthcare.Get It Out interrogates how little choice people with uteruses ultimately have over their reproductive health, and explores what these "choices" signify amid interlocking systems of inequality.

An examination of hysterectomy and the struggle for bodily and reproductive autonomyAt least one hysterectomy is performed every minute of the year, making it the most common gynecological surgery worldwide. By the age of sixty-five, one out of five people born with a uterus will have it removed. So, why do we seldom talk about this surgery? Highly performed yet overlooked, examining the paradox of hysterectomy begins to unravel the various problems with how we medically treat uteruses and the people who have them.Get It Out weaves centuries of medical history with rich qualitative data from 100 women, trans men, and nonbinary people who had, want, or are considering hysterectomy. In compelling detail, Andréa Becker reveals how America's healthcare system routinely deprives people of the ability to control their own bodies along race and gender lines. When people ask for a hysterectomy, they are often met with pushback: Are you sick enough? Old enough? Have you had enough babies? Will you regret this? How will your future husband feel about this? Yet this pushback is not equally experienced. While some people are barred access, others are ushered toward a hysterectomy. These contradictory recommendations reveal the persistent biases entrenched within healthcare.Get It Out interrogates how little choice people with uteruses ultimately have over their reproductive health, and explores what these "choices" signify amid interlocking systems of inequality.

Die Arbeit ist theoretisch und empirisch angelegt. Im ersten Teil wird der theoretische Status der populärwissenschaftlichen Vermittlung diskutiert: Vermittlungsvarietäten werden auf das Varietätensystem des Deutschen bezogen; sie stehen als funktionale Varietäten zwischen den Fachsprachen und der Alltagssprache. Auf der Basis der Sozialphänomenologie und der Neueren Wissenssoziologie wird die fachexterne Vermittlung definiert und von anderen Formen des Wissenstransfers unterschieden. Dem zweiten, empirischen Teil liegen populärmedizinische Texte von der frühen Neuzeit bis zur Gegenwart zugrunde; den zeitlichen Schwerpunkt bilden das 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Am Beispiel der Humanmedizin wird gezeigt, wie sich seit der frühen Neuzeit eine kommunikative Zwischenwelt zwischen Wissenschaft und Alltag entfaltet hat und wie der Transfer zwischen Fachsprache bzw. wissenschaftlicher Welt und Alltagssprache bzw. Alltagswelt geleistet wird. Im Zentrum steht dabei die Rolle metaphorischer Konzepte im Vermittlungsprozeß.

Die fachexterne Vermittlung ist an Wissenschaft und Alltag orientiert, allerdings in unterschiedlicher Weise. Ausgangspunkt ist die Wissenschaft: Wissenschaftliche Konzeptualisierungen werden in Ausschnitten übernommen, Erkenntnismethoden punktuell offengelegt, Fachtermini eingeführt, Teilbedeutungen erklärt. Gleichzeitig sind die Darstellungen an den Wissensstand und den Erkenntnisstil von Laien angepaßt. Metaphorische Konzepte bieten Anknüpfungsmöglichkeiten an alltäglich Bekanntes. Die thematisch-inhaltliche Auswahl und Fokussierung, Bedeutungserklärungen und der Einbezug der alltäglichen Perspektive sind Formen der Adressatenorientierung in der fachexternen Vermittlung.

The German Linguistic Studies Series is a comprehensive and outstanding forum in its field. It has borne the name of its subject in its title since the foundation of the series in the eighth decade of the last century.The series is comprehensive in the broad spectrum of topics covered (language levels, varieties, communication forms, epochs) in the range of research perspectives (theoretical and empirical studies, fundamental research and applications, interdisciplinarity with psychology, the social sciences etc.) and methodologies (the sole criterion is quality), in the rhythm of research (trends are perceived and also set, achievements are secured) and in the forms of presentation (monographs, textbooks, collected volumes, dictionaries).Professorial theses, outstanding doctoral theses, pioneering research findings from wider contexts, but also the surprising ‛stroke of genius’ set the standards for inclusion in the series. Call for Book Proposals: https://blog.degruyter.com/call-for-book-proposals-reihe-germanistische-linguistik/

Seminar paper from the year 2001 in the subject Politics - Region: USA, grade: very good, University of Wyoming (Department of Political Science), course: Congress and the Presidency, language: English, abstract: "e;The German Federal Republic is classified as a parliamentary democracy ... [where] the principle portion of executive power is vested in a ... chancellor and his cabinet who are responsible to a parliament and removable by the latter. By contrast, the presidential system ... in the United States vests executive power in a president who is both head of state and head of government."e;Regarding this quoted statement, the purpose of my paper shall be a comparison between the United States executive and the German counterpart. According to this, especially the functions, roles, and powers of the respective chief executives shall be described and compared. In addition, I would like to portray the reciprocal relationship between the United States president, the Executive Office of the President, and the bureaucracy on the one hand, and the reciprocal relationship between the German chancellor, his chancellor s office (Bundeskanzleramt), the cabinet, his governmental coalition (Regierungskoalition), and the federal ministers. In general, I want to achieve a comparison between both systems regarding their executive powers by pointing out the differences as well as the correspondences between them. Because of this general approach, it is not possible to describe everything in detail to avoid exceeding the framework of my paper. In cases when it will be not possible to provide detailed information, I will recommend for further readings in the footnotes. Although, this paper shall mainly deal with the respective executive power and although the separation of power between the governmental branches in the United States is stricter than in the federal Republic of Germany, it is unavoidable to draw some conclusions regarding the role of the executive in the interplay with the legislative (the United States Congress and the German Bundestag). These references within the examination of the executive power shall be made because in carrying out their roles the branches are bound on each other in their interaction within the political system. Furthermore, these references serve for a better understanding of the whole role of the executive in the respective country.

Seminar paper from the year 2001 in the subject Politics - Region: Near East, Near Orient, grade: very good, University of Wyoming (Department of Political Science), course: Politics and Government of the Middle East, language: English, abstract: "e;The war in Lebanon was the result of several highly connected internal and external conditions that have been in the making for a long time. ... Causal ... forces rooted in the existing social and political structures of the country, while [contributing forces] aggravated the internal conflicts and set the process of confrontation into motion, triggered a set of events already in the making that awaited only the proper time and place."e;Regarding this quoted statement, the purpose of our paper is to show the reasons that led to the Civil War in Lebanon from 1975 till 1990. Usually, four causes can be found throughout the literature we used for this paper: the social context within Lebanon itself, namely the unbalanced sectarian or confessional system and socioeconomic problems, namely the United States, Israel and Syria. This paper mainly deals with the causes expressed above. We do not want to describe the war itself in all its details or provide a historical chronology, instead discussion of the war will be restricted to the description of landmark events. However, the named causes worked together in waging the Civil War. One cannot separate them from one another. Mutual interactions took place between them leading to bloodshed and hatred. The Lebanese people needed almost five decades to settle down these causes from which almost all were already present since the independence in 1943. The first attempt to resolve some of the problems with the National Pact of 1943 did not last long, before the second Civil War broke out in 1958. The latest peace agreement, the Taif Accord from 1990, reviewed most of the causes, trying to adopt political measures to prevent another outbreak of violence. Still, the accord did not get rid of the sectarian problem so far. This paper will not deal with these events in great details. References will be made according to their importance for the topic. In this regard, we try to answer not only the questions of the causes but also how they interrelated and how they contributed to the escalation of the situation in Lebanon. Our paper describes first the social context starting with the unbalanced confessional system, followed by the socioeconomic problems. Afterwards we want to write down how the Palestine issue contributed to the Civil war and how the external actors USA, Syria, and Israel caused more and more troubles, which led to the extent of the conflict.

Seminar paper from the year 2000 in the subject Politics - Region: Far East, grade: 1,0 (A), University of Wyoming (Department of Political Science), course: Government and Politics of Asia, language: English, abstract: This paper wants to compare the parliamentary systems of Japan and Germany, especiallythe structure of the governments, the Diet, and the Bundestag. In our paper we willanswer the following questions: Why can both countries be compared? What historical prerequisitesled to the recent political systems? How do the respective parts of parliamentsand governmental institutions work together? Therefore, we want to concentrate on thequestion, where there are similarities in the political procedures and where these ones differ?Several reasons make both countries comparable. In this regard, our first item gives anoverview over 130 years of a Japanese-German relationship, in which many parallel historicaldevelopments and treaties occurred. A description of the constitutional developments(item 3) shows that the Japanese Constitution of 1890 adopted general provisions(especially provisions for the emperor and the parliament) from the German Constitution of1871. In addition, both postwar Constitutions were strongly influenced by the UnitedStates occupation politics, which established a parliamentary democracy in both countries. All of these are necessary fundamentals to show that both systems can be compared becauseof these several similar, historical, and political developments. Our fourth item comparesthe parliamentary systems today. Within the concluding remarks we will point out thedifferences and the similarities, both systems share or rather divide from each other. Japan and Germany can look back upon 130 years of a more or less deep relationship. Sure, there are some differences within this old official Japanese-German relationship, andthere are parallels with other states. But despite of all possible relativity, the degree of theJapanese-German similarity is succinct, and it is possible to discover parallels betweencertain historical developments in Japan and developments in Germany. The official relationsbegan on January, 24th 1861 when the Prussian East Asian Delegation under the DukeFriedrich zu Eulenburg and the Japanese Shogunat completed the Freundschafts-, Handels-,und Schiffahrtsvertrag (Friendship, Trade-, and Navigation-Treaty). [...]

Seminar paper from the year 2001 in the subject Politics - Political Theory and the History of Ideas Journal, grade: 1 - (A-), University of Wyoming (Department of Political Science), course: Recent Political Thought, language: English, abstract: "e;Man is born free and, and everywhere he is in chains. One believes himself the other's master,and yet is more a slave than they. How did this change come about? I do not know. What can itmake legitimate? I believe I can solve this. 1Regarding this quoted statement, Jean-Jacques Rousseau s Of the Social Contract or Principlesof Political Right (in the following referred to as the Social Contract) of 1762 tries toexplain and solve the problems of the society Rousseau lived in with the idea of a somewhatdirect democracy and a radical popular sovereignty. Accordingly, the author s theoryis the counterpart to the early liberal Montesquieuian model of a state with a binding constitution,but also to the later classical liberal theories of democracy of John Stuart Mill. Ingeneral, Rousseau is known as a representative of the concept of direct democracy and asan intercessor of the identity of governors and the governed. Moreover, he pledged for theinseparability of popular sovereignty. 2Taking this into consideration, Rousseau s Social Contract although censored andprohibited in his own time remains a key source of democratic belief and is one of theclassics of political theory. His theories were viewed so controversially that they were evenpublicly burned. So, the Social Contract and Emile or on Education (1762) became victimsof the flames.3 This was, because basically, the Social Contract argues, that the first and the most important consequences of the principles established so far is that thegeneral will [volonte generale] alone can direct the forces of the state according to the end of itsinstitution, which is the common good. 41 Jean-Jacques Rousseau: The Social Contract and Other Later Political Writings, edited and translated byVictor Gourevitch, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (Cambridge Texts in the History of PoliticalThought), 1997, Book I, p. 41. 2 Manfred G. Schmidt: Demokratietheorien. Eine Einfuhrung, 2. Auflage, Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1997,pp. 23-24. 3 Merle L. Perkins: Jean-Jacques Rousseau on the Individual and Society, Lexington: University Press ofKentucky, 1974, p. 239. 4 Rousseau: The Social Contract, Book II, p. 57.

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