Andrew Levine – författare

The American Ideology explicates and criticizes two notions of reason in society: efficiency and the concept of the reasonable. Despite their considerable appeal, these notions nowadays underwrite an orientation towards public policy that is both inadequate and beneficial to elite interests; an orientation that constitutes a distinct American Ideology. To make this case, Levine traces the history of the concept of efficiency, from Hobbes, through the utilitarian tradition, to contemporary economic and philosophical paradigms; and examines the strengths and weaknesses of the democratic theory implicit in John Rawls's pioneering work on justice and political legitimacy.

The American Ideology explicates and criticizes two notions of reason in society: efficiency and the concept of the reasonable. Despite their considerable appeal, these notions nowadays underwrite an orientation towards public policy that is both inadequate and beneficial to elite interests; an orientation that constitutes a distinct American Ideology. To make this case, Levine traces the history of the concept of efficiency, from Hobbes, through the utilitarian tradition, to contemporary economic and philosophical paradigms; and examines the strengths and weaknesses of the democratic theory implicit in John Rawls's pioneering work on justice and political legitimacy.

This bold and unabashedly utopian book advances the thesis that Marx's notion of communism is a defensible, normative ideal. However, unlike many others who have written in this area, Levine applies the tools and techniques of analytic philosophy to formulate and defend his radical, political programme. The argument proceeds by filtering the ideals and institutions of Marxism through Rousseau's notion of the 'general will'. Once Rousseau's ideas are properly understood it is possible to construct a community of equals who share some vision of a common good that can be achieved and maintained through cooperation or coordination that is at once both voluntary and authoritative. The book engages with liberal theory in order to establish its differences from Rousseauean-Marxian political theory. This provocative book will be of particular interest to political philosophers and political scientists concerned with Marxism, socialist theory and democratic theory.

This bold and unabashedly utopian book advances the thesis that Marx's notion of communism is a defensible, normative ideal. However, unlike many others who have written in this area, Levine applies the tools and techniques of analytic philosophy to formulate and defend his radical, political programme. The argument proceeds by filtering the ideals and institutions of Marxism through Rousseau's notion of the 'general will'. Once Rousseau's ideas are properly understood it is possible to construct a community of equals who share some vision of a common good that can be achieved and maintained through cooperation or coordination that is at once both voluntary and authoritative. The book engages with liberal theory in order to establish its differences from Rousseauean-Marxian political theory. This provocative book will be of particular interest to political philosophers and political scientists concerned with Marxism, socialist theory and democratic theory.

Engaging Political Philosophy investigates the political philosophies of Hobbes, Rousseau, Locke, Mill, Rawls, and Marx and reveals the scope and limits of the philosophical tradition they helped to forge. Investigates the political philosophies of Hobbes, Rousseau, Locke, Mill, Rawls, and Marx.Reveals the scope and limits of the philosophical tradition they helped to forge.Provides a cohesive narrative about modern political philosophy.Serves as both an accessible introduction and an interesting, original interpretation of ideas that have influenced our society.

Engaging Political Philosophy investigates the political philosophies of Hobbes, Rousseau, Locke, Mill, Rawls, and Marx and reveals the scope and limits of the philosophical tradition they helped to forge. Investigates the political philosophies of Hobbes, Rousseau, Locke, Mill, Rawls, and Marx.Reveals the scope and limits of the philosophical tradition they helped to forge.Provides a cohesive narrative about modern political philosophy.Serves as both an accessible introduction and an interesting, original interpretation of ideas that have influenced our society.

Not long ago, Marxist philosophy flourished. Yet in recent years theorists have turned away from Marxism. This book looks towards a revival in Marxist theory, and shows how it offers a rich foundation for radical socialist thinking in the forseeable future.Andrew Levine examines two recent departures in Marxist thought - Althusserian and analytical Marxism. He assesses the shortcomings of each, while emphasising their considerable merits. The discussion is framed against an analysis of socialism's place in the political life of the past two centuries. Levine assesses the apparent historical defeat of the Left generally since the consolidation of the Reagan-Thatcher era and speculates on current signs of renewal. He argues that both Althusserian and analytical Marxism represent important philosophical departures within the Marxist tradition as they force a rethinking of Marxism's scientific and political project. For all their differences in style and substance, these strains of Marxist thought share important thematic and sociological features and Levine concludes that both traditions provide a legacy upon which a revived Left can build.

Reconstructing Marxism explores fundamental questions about the structure of Marxist theory and its prospects for the future. The authors maintain that the disintegration of the old theoretical unity of classical Marxism is in part responsible for what is commonly called the "crisis of Marxism." Only a reconstructed Marxism can come to terms with this disintegration.Addressing a range of problems in historical materialism and class analysis, the authors compare historical materialism with Darwinian evolutionary theory, and identify what is distinctively "historical" in Marx's theory of history. Through an evaluation of G.A. Cohen's defense and Anthony Giddens's critique of historical materialism they suggest what a plausible, yet still Marxist, theory of history might be. They analyze the relationship of micro-analysis to macro theory and the assignment of causal primacy in explanations, and present a general assessment of the current state of Marxist theory and the prospects for its analytical reconstruction.Distinguished by the clarity of its presentation, the analytical rigor of its argument and its concern with fundamental philosophical and sociological issues, Reconstructing Marxism advances, at this critical juncture in the history of Marxism, a challenging new research program.

Is it possible, as Marx and Engels announced in the Communist Manifesto, for there to occur a withering away of the state? In this cool and lucid work of speculative philosophy, Andrew Levine traces the ideal of communism from Rousseau's notion of the perfect state in which the general will would be spontaneously expressed, to Marx's classless utopia. He argues that Rousseau's legacy allows us to think of ways in which human beings can be transformed, morally and politically, from the condition in which the state is necessary. This is quite different, Levine shows, from the dangerous Stalinist dream of the "New Man." The concept of a stateless society assumes that politics is about encouraging autonomy and a sense of the social whole; it breaks definitively with the pessimistic tradition in Western thought that views politics as a necessary evil.Featuring elegant and concise discussions of Kant, Rousseau, Burke, de Tocqueville, Marx and more recent thinkers like Gerald Cohen, The End of the State will prove invaluable reading for students of the Enlightenment, of classical liberalism, and of socialism.

The American Ideology explicates and criticizes two notions of reason in society: efficiency and the concept of the reasonable. Despite their considerable appeal, these notions nowadays underwrite an orientation towards public policy that is both inadequate and beneficial to elite interests; an orientation that constitutes a distinct American Ideology. To make this case, Levine traces the history of the concept of efficiency, from Hobbes, through the utilitarian tradition, to contemporary economic and philosophical paradigms; and examines the strengths and weaknesses of the democratic theory implicit in John Rawls''s pioneering work on justice and political legitimacy.

The American Ideology explicates and criticizes two notions of reason in society: efficiency and the concept of the reasonable. Despite their considerable appeal, these notions nowadays underwrite an orientation towards public policy that is both inadequate and beneficial to elite interests; an orientation that constitutes a distinct American Ideology. To make this case, Levine traces the history of the concept of efficiency, from Hobbes, through the utilitarian tradition, to contemporary economic and philosophical paradigms; and examines the strengths and weaknesses of the democratic theory implicit in John Rawls''s pioneering work on justice and political legitimacy.

Welcome to the misadventures of Kato Worsen, a dissolute and disarming Hollywood brat. Impatient, brazen, charming, he exploits show biz players and film industry hangers-on alike. Everyone is fair game. Follow Kato as he bullies his way through a scandalous season in hell. His erratic, self-indulgent schemes damage all who cross his path. Finally, with no options left, Kato lurches across the self-help minefield of the Troposherence Healing Center.

Written by renowned political philosopher Andrew Levine, Political Keywords guides readers through today’s most commonly used- and misused- political terminology. A much-needed dictionary of contemporary political vernacular from “alienation” to “Zionism” Defines the most important political keywords, i.e. the often-confusing (and sometimes intentionally misleading) terms that are used to describe our politics Refamiliarizes the reader with today’s most commonly used and misused terms, thus clarifying the current political landscape Assumes no prior academic background in politics Includes extensive cross-referencing, suggested further readings, and acomprehensive glossary Provides the ideal guide to navigating a landscape of dangerously vague terms

For readers interested in political theory and political activism, as well as anyone puzzled by the persistence of theistic conviction in the modern world, this critique of religious belief provides insightful analysis.In light of rational standards for belief acceptance that are universally acknowledged in enlightened circles, theistic convictions are deeply problematic. Thus it is not surprising that some of the most important heirs of the Enlightenment tradition-Ludwig Feuerbach, Emile Durkheim, Sigmund Freud, and Friedrich Nietzsche-wondered, implicitly, why belief in God persists and even flourishes among those who should and in some sense do know better. This book provides fresh insight into the work of those thinkers by reflecting on the explanations they proffered and on their explanatory strategies. For all their many differences, their respective explanations share a common core and are driven by a similar (largely unelaborated) normative commitment. On Levine's account, believers today believe in bad faith-in other words, they evince a fundamental intellectual dishonesty. If only for this reason, they merit reproach, even in the comparatively rare instances when "faith perspectives" do more good than harm. From this standpoint, the author reflects on the liberal turn in the so-called Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) and depicts liberal religion as a vehicle of exit for those who implicitly acknowledge the untenability of the beliefs they profess, yet are unable or unwilling to face this reality squarely. He argues that liberal religion is therefore a transitory phenomenon, albeit one that has survived for a long time and that is not about to expire soon. Levine then faults the religious Left on this account, arguing that even in those historically rare conditions where bad faith motivates welcome political engagement, it is nevertheless undermined by its deep inauthenticity.