Baogang He – författare

In China's Galaxy Empire, John Keane and Baogang He target a development of enormous significance: China's return, after two centuries of decline and subjugation, to a position of prominence in world affairs. The daring thesis is that China is a newly rising empire of a kind never before witnessed: a galaxy empire. The first to be born of the digital communications era, this young empire is economically and politically powerful, and heavily armed. Its gravitational, push-pull effects are impacting every continent--and even outer space, where China is competing with the United States, India, and Europe to become the leading power. The galaxy empire interpretation rejects clichéd misdescriptions of China as a "big power" or monolithic "autocracy", and it explains why China defies older definitions of land, sea, and air-based empires. The book charts the developments that have made its rising empire so novel, including the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative, the rapid rise of a global Chinese middle class, and internal colonialism in Tibet and Xinjiang. The book notes the protean, shapeshifting qualities of this young empire. It therefore warns against the political and military perils of simple-minded, friend-versus-enemy thinking and "Big China, Bad China" politics. But it also proffers a forewarning to China's rulers: while every rising empire aims to shift the balance of power in its favour, no empire lasts forever, and some are stillborn, because they indulge illusions of greatness and reckless power adventures.

This volume explores the different ways that ethnic and religious diversity is conceptualized and debated in South and East Asia. In the first few decades following decolonization, talk of multiculturalism and pluralism was discouraged, as states attempted to consolidate themselves as unitary and homogenizing nation-states. Today, however, it is widely recognized that states in the region must come to terms with the enduring reality of ethnic and religious cleavages, and find new ways of accommodating and respecting diversity. As a result, many countries are now debating policies to accommodate minorities, including recognition of indigenous rights, minority language rights, consociational power-sharing, regional autonomy, and multination federalism. This is often described as a key ingredient in any process of democratization in the region.One manifestation of this new ethos is the growing rhetoric of 'multiculturalism', often imported from the West. And indeed Western models of minority rights have had an influence in many Asian countries, often promoted by international organizations. However, Asian societies also have their own traditions of peaceful coexistence amongst linguistic and religious groups. All of the major ethical and religious traditions in the region - from Confucian and Buddhist to Islamic and Hindu - have their own conceptions of tolerance, and their own recipes for sustaining unity amidst diversity. These traditions continue to shape people's beliefs and practices in the region. Even the distinctive conception of Marxism developed in the region provides an influential perspective on these issues not found in the West. The rhetoric of 'multiculturalism' may be ubiquitous around the world, but it is being used to express quite different ideas and norms. Using both case studies and thematic essays, this volume examines the pre-colonial traditions, colonial legacies, and post-colonial ideologies that influence contemporary debates on multiculturalism in the region. It explores the areas of convergence and divergence between these different perspectives, and the extent to which they provide viable frameworks for managing ethnic and religious diversity in the region.

Native scholars offer clearly written coverage of the relationship between post-Soviet and Asian political parties and democracy in their nations.Political Parties and Democracy: Volume III: Post-Soviet and Asian Political Parties is the third volume in this five-volume set. It offers clearly written, up-to-date coverage of post-Soviet and Asian political parties from the unique perspective of distinguished indigenous scholars who have lived the truths they tell and, thus, write with unique breadth, depth, and scope. Presented in two parts, this volume overviews post-Soviet parties, then discusses the realities on the ground in Georgia, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine. Likewise, the book offers an introduction to Asian political parties, followed by chapters on China, India, Japan, Malaysia, and South Korea. Throughout, contributors explore the relationship between political parties and democracy (or democratization) in their respective nations, providing necessary historical, socioeconomic, and institutional context, and clarifying the balance of power among parties—and between them and competing agencies of power—today.

Featuring cases from India, China, Nepal, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Mongolia and Malaysia, the authors demonstrate and compare the differing uses of public deliberation in Asia. Many countries in Asia have long traditions of public deliberation, in both democratic and undemocratic settings, some of which continue today. Yet in the face of pressures from complex governance, popular protests and democratization, certain deliberative practices – notably deliberative polling – have been ‘parachuted’ into the region without regard to historical or traditional practices of deliberation. And, the motivations differ. Some states have made use of public deliberation in order to contain dissent, while others have more emancipatory goals in mind. The contributors to this book take a comparative perspective on the emergence and evolution of deliberative practices in Asia, and their relationships with democracy. They analyse the main motivations for introducing public deliberation in different political regimes and the effectiveness of public deliberation in Asian countries for solving problems and improving governance. In doing so they evaluate whether deliberative democratic tools, can apply to all societies regardless of their political and cultural differences. Essential reading for students and scholars of Asian Politics, this book will also be of great use to all political scientists with an interest in deliberative democracy.

Featuring cases from India, China, Nepal, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Mongolia and Malaysia, the authors demonstrate and compare the differing uses of public deliberation in Asia. Many countries in Asia have long traditions of public deliberation, in both democratic and undemocratic settings, some of which continue today. Yet in the face of pressures from complex governance, popular protests and democratization, certain deliberative practices – notably deliberative polling – have been ‘parachuted’ into the region without regard to historical or traditional practices of deliberation. And, the motivations differ. Some states have made use of public deliberation in order to contain dissent, while others have more emancipatory goals in mind. The contributors to this book take a comparative perspective on the emergence and evolution of deliberative practices in Asia, and their relationships with democracy. They analyse the main motivations for introducing public deliberation in different political regimes and the effectiveness of public deliberation in Asian countries for solving problems and improving governance. In doing so they evaluate whether deliberative democratic tools, can apply to all societies regardless of their political and cultural differences. Essential reading for students and scholars of Asian Politics, this book will also be of great use to all political scientists with an interest in deliberative democracy.

When it comes to talking about democracy in China, Chinese nationalists argue that it cannot solve China's problems, while Chinese liberals remain unduly silenced. But China is facing a national identity crisis, compounded by Tibet and Taiwan, where significant proportions of both populations do not identify with the Chinese nation-state. Could democracy realistically address the problems in China’s national identity? Baogang He opens up a dialogue in which Chinese liberals can offer viable alternatives in defence of key democratic principles and governance. He upholds the search for a political space in which democratic governance in China can feasibly be developed.

Between 2016 and 2020 Australia's foreign and security policies were significantly impacted by profound changes in geopolitics and geoeconomics, particularly as great power competition re-emerged between the United States and China. Australia in World Affairs 2016-2020: A Return to Great-Power Rivalry examines Australia's engagement on the international stage in light of these events. The thirteenth volume in the Australia in World Affairs series builds on the history of Australia's foreign policy covered in other volumes to identify patterns of continuity and change. It catalogues the key developments in this period of world history from an Australian perspective. Organised thematically, chapters cover Australia's foreign policy response to climate change, Australia's strengthened ties to the Indo-Pacific region, and its security interests in Southeast Asia. Australia's increasing security dependence on the US in an age of great-power rivalry is evident throughout.

By exploring the "China factor" in the North Korean human rights debate, this book evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of applying the Chinese development-based approach to human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). The contributors to this book treat the relevance of the Chinese experience to the DPRK seriously and evaluate how it might apply to easing North Korean human rights issues.They engage with the debate about the relevance of the developmental or development-based approach to North Korea. In doing so, they problematise, scrutinise and contextualise the development-based approach in Northeast Asia, including China, and examine different responses to the developmental approach and the influence of domestic politics on these responses.A valuable contribution to discussions on possible ways forward for human rights in North Korea and an insightful critique of the Northeast Asian development model more broadly.

By exploring the "China factor" in the North Korean human rights debate, this book evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of applying the Chinese development-based approach to human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). The contributors to this book treat the relevance of the Chinese experience to the DPRK seriously and evaluate how it might apply to easing North Korean human rights issues.They engage with the debate about the relevance of the developmental or development-based approach to North Korea. In doing so, they problematise, scrutinise and contextualise the development-based approach in Northeast Asia, including China, and examine different responses to the developmental approach and the influence of domestic politics on these responses.A valuable contribution to discussions on possible ways forward for human rights in North Korea and an insightful critique of the Northeast Asian development model more broadly.

He, Breen, and Allison-Reumann combine qualitative and quantitative research to compare the successes and failures of attempts at federalism in Asian countries. Federalism is an increasingly common approach to improving governance and resolving ethnic conflict in Asia. However, Asian federalism faces three thorny problems. First, the ethnic federalism paradigm dominates political and intellectual life, rendering political compromise difficult and creating an obstacle to establishing or improving federalism in Asia. Second, religious fundamentalism and secular refusal to accommodate religious demands pose an existential threat to federal politics. Third, a majoritarian democracy is itself a threat to federalism in Asia and the peace and stability that it is meant to underpin. Through a truly comparative analysis, He, Breen, and Allison-Reumann investigate the potential for a hybrid-ethnic approach, religious moderation, and deliberative democracy to overcome these challenges. They analyse cases from across Asia – both successes and failures. These include countries encompassing the first generation of federalism in Asia – India, Malaysia, and Pakistan – and challenges faced by the new, emerging, and aspiring federal states, namely Nepal, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka. They demonstrate how federalism can be achieved through compromise and a continual renegotiation of its underpinning values. A vital resource for scholars of political systems in Asia and of federalism more broadly.

He, Breen, and Allison-Reumann combine qualitative and quantitative research to compare the successes and failures of attempts at federalism in Asian countries. Federalism is an increasingly common approach to improving governance and resolving ethnic conflict in Asia. However, Asian federalism faces three thorny problems. First, the ethnic federalism paradigm dominates political and intellectual life, rendering political compromise difficult and creating an obstacle to establishing or improving federalism in Asia. Second, religious fundamentalism and secular refusal to accommodate religious demands pose an existential threat to federal politics. Third, a majoritarian democracy is itself a threat to federalism in Asia and the peace and stability that it is meant to underpin. Through a truly comparative analysis, He, Breen, and Allison-Reumann investigate the potential for a hybrid-ethnic approach, religious moderation, and deliberative democracy to overcome these challenges. They analyse cases from across Asia – both successes and failures. These include countries encompassing the first generation of federalism in Asia – India, Malaysia, and Pakistan – and challenges faced by the new, emerging, and aspiring federal states, namely Nepal, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka. They demonstrate how federalism can be achieved through compromise and a continual renegotiation of its underpinning values. A vital resource for scholars of political systems in Asia and of federalism more broadly.

Deepening regionalism in Asia demands new leadership. Strong elites who are committed to a supranational identity are a minimum requirement of successful regionalism. Regional leaders are increasingly seen as a new set of leaders in Europe. Currently, Asian regional leaders largely come from the diplomacy community, or trade and economic sectors. Yet further regionalization demands a new type of leadership from civil society and citizens. In this context it is important to cultivate new regional leadership through the development of regional citizenship. This book examines contested ideas of regionalism in Asia with a particular focus on two competing ideas of pan-Asianism and Pacificism. It also identifies a new trend and contestation, the fundamental shift from a civilization understanding of regionalism to a technocratic and functional understanding of regionalism in the form of regulatory regionalism. It also examines the other contested imaginations of regionalism in Asia including elitist versus participatory approaches to regionalism, and democracy-centric versus nationalism-centric approaches to regionalism.

This title was first published in 2000: This text aims to provide a clear understanding of the complex relationship that exists between nationalism, national identity, the state, the direction and trend of China's transition and the subsequent prospects for democratization. While describing the rise of Chinese nationalism and the accompanying discourse on Chinese national identity, it focuses on the national identity question and its impact on democratization. The text argues that Chinese nationalism is not monolithic and that popular Chinese nationalism attempts to exclude the role of the party-state in defining national identity. Most importantly, it has the potential to demand democratic reform and push for democratization in China. Nevertheless, the alliance between nationalism and democracy will expedient. Chinese nationalism, whether official or popular, comes into conflict with democracy when it confronts the national identity/boundary problem. They clash with each other where territoriality is involved. The Chinese nationalist solution to the problem is logically and inherently opposed to the contemporary trend towards democracy.

This title was first published in 2000:  This text aims to provide a clear understanding of the complex relationship that exists between nationalism, national identity, the state, the direction and trend of China's transition and the subsequent prospects for democratization. While describing the rise of Chinese nationalism and the accompanying discourse on Chinese national identity, it focuses on the national identity question and its impact on democratization. The text argues that Chinese nationalism is not monolithic and that popular Chinese nationalism attempts to exclude the role of the party-state in defining national identity. Most importantly, it has the potential to demand democratic reform and push for democratization in China. Nevertheless, the alliance between nationalism and democracy will expedient. Chinese nationalism, whether official or popular, comes into conflict with democracy when it confronts the national identity/boundary problem. They clash with each other where territoriality is involved. The Chinese nationalist solution to the problem is logically and inherently opposed to the contemporary trend towards democracy.

Deepening regionalism in Asia demands new leadership. Strong elites who are committed to a supranational identity are a minimum requirement of successful regionalism. Regional leaders are increasingly seen as a new set of leaders in Europe. Currently, Asian regional leaders largely come from the diplomacy community, or trade and economic sectors. Yet further regionalization demands a new type of leadership from civil society and citizens. In this context it is important to cultivate new regional leadership through the development of regional citizenship. This book examines contested ideas of regionalism in Asia with a particular focus on two competing ideas of pan-Asianism and Pacificism. It also identifies a new trend and contestation, the fundamental shift from a civilization understanding of regionalism to a technocratic and functional understanding of regionalism in the form of regulatory regionalism. It also examines the other contested imaginations of regionalism in Asia including elitist versus participatory approaches to regionalism, and democracy-centric versus nationalism-centric approaches to regionalism.

When it comes to talking about democracy in China, Chinese nationalists argue that it cannot solve China's problems, while Chinese liberals remain unduly silenced. But China is facing a national identity crisis, compounded by Tibet and Taiwan, where significant proportions of both populations do not identify with the Chinese nation-state. Could democracy realistically address the problems in China’s national identity? Baogang He opens up a dialogue in which Chinese liberals can offer viable alternatives in defence of key democratic principles and governance. He upholds the search for a political space in which democratic governance in China can feasibly be developed.

Until now there have been few attempts to examine the different models of federalism appropriate in Asia, let alone to trace the extent to which these different perspectives are compatible, converging, or mutually influencing each other. This book redresses the balance by demonstrating the varieties of Asian federalism.Federalism in Asia explores the range of theoretical perspectives that shape debates over federalism in general, and over territorial, multinational, hybrid, and asymmetric federalism in particular relation to Asia. The contributors share their understanding of how federal or quasi-federal institutions manage ethnic conflicts and accommodate differences, how democratization facilitates the development of federalism and how federalism facilitates or inhibits democratization in Asia. Their conclusion is that hybrid federalism or quasi-federalism is more prevalent in some Asian countries than others; and the need and potential for greater federalism in more Asian countries makes this sortie into this area worthwhile. While federalism is relevant to Asia, the working pattern of Asian federalism does not necessarily follow a Western style. Hybrid federal institutional design can be seen as an Asian strategy of managing ethnic conflicts through federal arrangements.This unique book will be of great interest to a wide range of scholars and researchers who work on issues of federalism, political economy, public policy, ethnic relations, cultural diversity and democratization in the Asian region. Policymakers and activists dealing with issues of minority rights and ethnic conflict in the region, government officials and NGOs within Asia, and officials in international agencies and organizations will also find much to engage them.

Until now there have been few attempts to examine the different models of federalism appropriate in Asia, let alone to trace the extent to which these different perspectives are compatible, converging, or mutually influencing each other. This book redresses the balance by demonstrating the varieties of Asian federalism.Federalism in Asia explores the range of theoretical perspectives that shape debates over federalism in general, and over territorial, multinational, hybrid, and asymmetric federalism in particular relation to Asia. The contributors share their understanding of how federal or quasi-federal institutions manage ethnic conflicts and accommodate differences, how democratization facilitates the development of federalism and how federalism facilitates or inhibits democratization in Asia. Their conclusion is that hybrid federalism or quasi-federalism is more prevalent in some Asian countries than others; and the need and potential for greater federalism in more Asian countries makes this sortie into this area worthwhile. While federalism is relevant to Asia, the working pattern of Asian federalism does not necessarily follow a Western style. Hybrid federal institutional design can be seen as an Asian strategy of managing ethnic conflicts through federal arrangements.This unique book will be of great interest to a wide range of scholars and researchers who work on issues of federalism, political economy, public policy, ethnic relations, cultural diversity and democratization in the Asian region. Policymakers and activists dealing with issues of minority rights and ethnic conflict in the region, government officials and NGOs within Asia, and officials in international agencies and organizations will also find much to engage them.