Bernhard Seliger – författare

Since the end of the Cold War, scholars and analysts have been predicting the collapse of the communist regime in North Korea. Yet, despite a deteriorating economy characterized by declining industrial output, outdated technology, and difficulty feeding its people, the country has been able to persist and continues to plod along. How has North Korea been able to survive, and how long can it last without significant change to its economic and political structures? How can we peacefully resolve the North Korean nuclear standoff through constructive dialogue?This book examines North Korea's survival strategy and offers practical solutions to a 50-year nuclear standoff through a series of essays written by 15 of the world's foremost scholars and leading experts on strategy, economics and international relations. It is essential reading for anyone interested in peace in Northeast Asia and will be invaluable in helping policy-makers, diplomats, politicians, researchers and other North Korea watchers to understand three closely related issues about North Korea: (1) why North Korea will continue to survive; (2) how the United States and North Korea can build a mutual confidence; and (3) why a dialogue is the only viable way to resolve the North Korea problem peacefully.

The Northeast Asian security environment is closely linked to Korea’s growth perspectives for the future. The spectacular rise of the South Korean economy in the past half century, also known as “Miracle on the Han River,” has been duly highlighted as one of the most successful cases of economic development worldwide. However, among the factors curbing South Korea’s growth perspectives has been, from the very beginning of its rise, the coexistence of the difficult neighbour to the North, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. While in the cold war this coexistence has been taken as inevitable, after the end of the cold war there were hopes to overcome this obstacle to further growth either through collapse or enhanced cooperation with the North, neither of which became reality. North Korea’s unprecedented aggressiveness and development of long-range ballistic missiles and nuclear devices, made this threat truly an international question with multilateral talks coming into existence as ad-hoc measures to cope with the nuclear crisis. It was then that the idea of a Northeast Asian Security Community was born. The contributions in this book discuss how a peaceful solution of the security problems could not only enhance stability of Korea’s economy and reduce the defense burden considerably (the so-called peace dividend), but would facilitate regional investments safer and regional solutions for common economic problems. When discussing the possibilities of a security framework or, in an institutionalized form, security community, in Northeast Asia, the authors in this volume are realistic as to not fall into the trap of wishful thinking, which so often has characterized approaches to North Korea resulting in disappointment. The past two years again saw the rising of tensions in Northeast Asia and the masterful way in which even an impoverished and isolated country can play its cards. While it seems a new ice age between the two Koreas is possible,nevertheless and maybe even more than ever the search for a stable security framework for Northeast Asia as a precondition for peaceful economic cooperation and development will go on. The chapters in this volume contribute to the ongoing debate to secure peace and development in Northeast Asia, making this book of interest to both academics and policy-makers alike.

The Northeast Asian security environment is closely linked to Korea’s growth perspectives for the future. The spectacular rise of the South Korean economy in the past half century, also known as “Miracle on the Han River,” has been duly highlighted as one of the most successful cases of economic development worldwide. However, among the factors curbing South Korea’s growth perspectives has been, from the very beginning of its rise, the coexistence of the difficult neighbour to the North, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. While in the cold war this coexistence has been taken as inevitable, after the end of the cold war there were hopes to overcome this obstacle to further growth either through collapse or enhanced cooperation with the North, neither of which became reality. North Korea’s unprecedented aggressiveness and development of long-range ballistic missiles and nuclear devices, made this threat truly an international question with multilateral talks coming into existence as ad-hoc measures to cope with the nuclear crisis. It was then that the idea of a Northeast Asian Security Community was born. The contributions in this book discuss how a peaceful solution of the security problems could not only enhance stability of Korea’s economy and reduce the defense burden considerably (the so-called peace dividend), but would facilitate regional investments safer and regional solutions for common economic problems. When discussing the possibilities of a security framework or, in an institutionalized form, security community, in Northeast Asia, the authors in this volume are realistic as to not fall into the trap of wishful thinking, which so often has characterized approaches to North Korea resulting in disappointment. The past two years again saw the rising of tensions in Northeast Asia and the masterful way in which even an impoverished and isolated country can play its cards. While it seems a new ice age between the two Koreas is possible,nevertheless and maybe even more than ever the search for a stable security framework for Northeast Asia as a precondition for peaceful economic cooperation and development will go on. The chapters in this volume contribute to the ongoing debate to secure peace and development in Northeast Asia, making this book of interest to both academics and policy-makers alike.

The Northeast Asian security environment is closely linked to Korea’s growth perspectives for the future. The spectacular rise of the South Korean economy in the past half century, also known as “Miracle on the Han River,” has been duly highlighted as one of the most successful cases of economic development worldwide. However, among the factors curbing South Korea’s growth perspectives has been, from the very beginning of its rise, the coexistence of the difficult neighbour to the North, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. While in the cold war this coexistence has been taken as inevitable, after the end of the cold war there were hopes to overcome this obstacle to further growth either through collapse or enhanced cooperation with the North, neither of which became reality. North Korea’s unprecedented aggressiveness and development of long-range ballistic missiles and nuclear devices, made this threat truly an international question with multilateral talks coming into existence as ad-hoc measures to cope with the nuclear crisis. It was then that the idea of a Northeast Asian Security Community was born. The contributions in this book discuss how a peaceful solution of the security problems could not only enhance stability of Korea’s economy and reduce the defense burden considerably (the so-called peace dividend), but would facilitate regional investments safer and regional solutions for common economic problems. When discussing the possibilities of a security framework or, in an institutionalized form, security community, in Northeast Asia, the authors in this volume are realistic as to not fall into the trap of wishful thinking, which so often has characterized approaches to North Korea resulting in disappointment. The past two years again saw the rising of tensions in Northeast Asia and the masterful way in which even an impoverished and isolated country can play its cards. While it seems a new ice age between the two Koreas is possible,nevertheless and maybe even more than ever the search for a stable security framework for Northeast Asia as a precondition for peaceful economic cooperation and development will go on. The chapters in this volume contribute to the ongoing debate to secure peace and development in Northeast Asia, making this book of interest to both academics and policy-makers alike.

South Korea underwent a dramatic change in the last one and a half decades, from being considered a «tiger in trouble» in the wake of the Asian crisis to a showcase of economic development. The judgment of 1998 was itself a complete reversal of the previous enthusiastic reviews of world record-high growth for several decades, from the 1960s to the 1990s. Korea, once considered a shrimp between two mighty whales, Japan and China, veritably made a jump to become a tiger. And, after the steep decline of 1998, this tiger again showed its claws. This book deals not with the causes of the crisis in retrospect, but rather with the implications for the development of a new economic model in South Korea. It argues that the crisis and the following institutional change can best be understood by applying the theory of economic transformation.

Korea as a “middle power” in the last decades saw a growing importance, partly through greater economic clout, partly through greater cultural and soft power (“K-pop”), and partly through collective action in institutions like G 20. However, recent instability in Northeast Asia, plus growing trade conflicts and political conflicts in the region and worldwide, endanger this position. Moreover, the tremendous rise of China in economic, geo-political and cultural terms overshadowed the Korean development. However, also here the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative seems to dominate the headlines, as well as the policy fora and practical business decisions. Therefore, this book discusses an urgent, indeed pressing topic: how can middle powers like South Korea and Germany benefit from closer economic and political linkages across the Eurasian landmass, in particular the Belt and Road Initiative dominated by China.? Should they rather jump on the bandwagon or should they follow distinct own initiatives, either in their region or inter-regionally?

Diese Arbeit wurde mit dem Wolfgang Ritter-Preis 1999 ausgezeichnet. Die Europäische Union (EU) steht nach der Neufassung der europäischen Verträge beim Gipfeltreffen in Amsterdam 1997 vor einem Wendepunkt: Die fortschreitende Vertiefung der Union ist mit dem Wunsch einer Erweiterung nach Mittel- und Osteuropa nicht vereinbar. Die ordnungspolitischen Optionen, die sich daraus ergeben, werden in dieser Untersuchung anhand der Theorie des Systemwettbewerbs analysiert. Wettbewerb zwischen Institutionen kann zur besseren Anpassung der Institutionen an die Bedürfnisse der Menschen führen, falls dieser Wettbewerb durch ein Wettbewerbssystem geordnet wird. Die Errichtung eines solchen Wettbewerbssystems für den Institutionenwettbewerb in der Europäischen Union ist das Thema der Arbeit.

Die Wirtschaftsordnung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wie auch die Weltwirtschaftsordnung durchleben derzeit eine Vertrauenskrise, die die vielleicht größte Herausforderung nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg darstellt. Hat die Marktwirtschaft, und in Deutschland speziell die Soziale Marktwirtschaft, versagt? Gerade die Soziale Marktwirtschaft ist die Wirtschaftsordnung, die der Bundesrepublik Deutschland den Wiederaufstieg nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg ermöglichte. Sie machte Deutschland zu einem der wohlhabendsten Staaten weltweit und zu einem Muster an Stabilität. Die Diskussion der Grundsätze der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft und ihre Anwendung auf die Herausforderungen der Gegenwart sind das Thema dieses Bandes, der auf den Ergebnissen des ersten Ordnungspolitischen Dialoges an der Westsächsischen Hochschule Zwickau im November 2007 basiert. Dabei geht es nicht darum, einer Orthodoxie zu dienen, die die Soziale Marktwirtschaft als ewige Wahrheit beweihräuchert, sondern den wertvollen Gehalt dieser Wirtschaftsordnung für die heutige Wirtschaftspolitik zu bestimmen.

Die Einführung der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland war ein herausragendes Beispiel für erfolgreiche Ordnungspolitik. Seitdem konnte sich die marktwirtschaftliche Ordnung trotz starker Wandlung der äußeren Bedingungen zwar immer wieder selbst erneuern, dennoch kam es zu Degenerationserscheinungen. Heute stehen ökonomische Fragestellungen zudem immer mehr im Kontext internationaler Verflechtungen. Die daraus resultierenden Herausforderungen für die Soziale Marktwirtschaft sind Gegenstand dieses Bandes, der auf den Ergebnissen des 2. Ordnungspolitischen Dialogs im November 2008 in Zwickau basiert. Er trägt dazu bei, eine dauerhafte, funktionsfähige und menschenwürdige Wirtschaftsordnung im Hinblick auf die internationalen Herausforderungen zu finden.

Kaum war die Wirtschaftskrise von 2008 und 2009 richtig im Bewusstsein der Bevölkerung angekommen, so scheint sie schon wieder vorbei zu sein. Wirtschaftspolitischer Pragmatismus regierte, ja triumphierte. Das sogenannte neoliberale Projekt ist seitdem weitgehend diskreditiert, ordnungspolitische Positionen wurden bedenkenlos als unnötige Hindernisse zu einer ideologiefreien und funktionierenden Wirtschaftspolitik über Bord geworfen. «Gier» wurde als hervorstechende Eigenschaft des marktwirtschaftlichen Systems definiert und die Kontrolle dieser Gier verlangte nach schnellen und quasi unlimitierten Staatseingriffen. Die Ursachen der Krisen in der Gier der privaten Akteure zu suchen, ist nicht unbedingt falsch. Falsch ist es jedoch, diese Gier alleine am privatwirtschaftlichen Handeln festzumachen und die Kontrolle durch den Staat als Lösung des Problems zu betrachten. Tatsächlich waren es Regulierungsdefizite und Politikversagen, nicht das Versagen von Märkten, die zur Krise geführt haben. Deshalb wird in diesem Band die Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise aus ordnungspolitischer Sicht reflektiert. Dabei wird eine vergleichende Perspektive genutzt, so dass sich auch Aufsätze zu Themen der Transformation von Wirtschaftsordnungen wie zur Innovations- oder Regionalpolitik finden.