Carson Holloway – författare

Magnanimity and Statesmanship is a collection of papers on the virtue of Aristotelian magnanimity (or greatness of soul) and its relationship to the history of political philosophy and to the art of statesmanship. Aristotle's account of the "great-souled man" may seem somewhat alien to the sensibilities of a modern democracy. There is, after all, an inegalitarian element in the great-souled man's confidence in his moral excellence and hence in his superior worthiness to hold public office. Nevertheless, even modern democratic thinkers admit that democracy needs, at least in certain critical phases in its development, political leaders who far excel their fellow citizens in virtue and wisdom.This book, then, traces the path of magnanimity in the history of political philosophy and examines certain statesmen in light of this virtue, all with a view to addressing the following questions: What is magnanimity, and what is its relationship to political life? Is magnanimity compatible with Christianity, or with the modern commitment to equality? Does modernity still stand in need of such a virtue? Can magnanimity flourish under modern conditions? Are there examples of political leaders whose lives exemplify this virtue and the study of whose political conduct can deepen our understanding of it?

While the dominant approaches to the current study of political philosophy are various, with some friendlier to religious belief than others, almost all place constraints on the philosophic and political role of revelation. Mainstream secular political theorists do not entirely disregard religion. But to the extent that they pay attention, their treatment of religious belief is seen more as a political or philosophic problem to be addressed rather than as a positive body of thought from which we might derive important insights about the nature of politics and the truth of the human condition.In a one-of-a-kind collection, DeHart and Holloway bring together leading scholars from various fields, including political science, philosophy, and theology, to challenge the prevailing orthodoxy and to demonstrate the role that religion can and does play in political life. Contributing authors include such important thinkers as Peter Augustine Lawler, Robert C. Koons, J. Budziszewski, Francis J. Beckwith, and James Stoner.

The Political Writings of George Washington includes Washington's enduring writings on politics, prudence, and statesmanship in two volumes. It is the only complete collection of his political thought, which historically, has received less attention than the writings of other leading founders such as Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilton. Covering his life of public service-from his young manhood, when he fought in the French and Indian Wars, through his time as commander-in-chief of the revolutionary army; his two terms as America's first president, and his brief periods of retirement, during which he followed and commented on American politics astutely-the volumes also include first-hand accounts of Washington's death and reflections on his legacy by those who knew or reflected deeply on his significance. The result is a more thorough understanding of Washington's political thought and the American founding.

The Political Writings of George Washington includes Washington's enduring writings on politics, prudence, and statesmanship in two volumes. It is the only complete collection of his political thought, which historically, has received less attention than the writings of other leading founders such as Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilton. Covering his life of public service-from his young manhood, when he fought in the French and Indian Wars, through his time as commander-in-chief of the revolutionary army; his two terms as America's first president, and his brief periods of retirement, during which he followed and commented on American politics astutely-the volumes also include first-hand accounts of Washington's death and reflections on his legacy by those who knew or reflected deeply on his significance. The result is a more thorough understanding of Washington's political thought and the American founding.

The Political Writings of George Washington includes Washington's enduring writings on politics, prudence, and statesmanship in two volumes. It is the only complete collection of his political thought, which historically, has received less attention than the writings of other leading founders such as Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilton. Covering his life of public service-from his young manhood, when he fought in the French and Indian Wars, through his time as commander-in-chief of the revolutionary army; his two terms as America's first president, and his brief periods of retirement, during which he followed and commented on American politics astutely-the volumes also include first-hand accounts of Washington's death and reflections on his legacy by those who knew or reflected deeply on his significance. The result is a more thorough understanding of Washington's political thought and the American founding.

The Political Writings of George Washington includes Washington's enduring writings on politics, prudence, and statesmanship in two volumes. It is the only complete collection of his political thought, which historically, has received less attention than the writings of other leading founders such as Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilton. Covering his life of public service-from his young manhood, when he fought in the French and Indian Wars, through his time as commander-in-chief of the revolutionary army; his two terms as America's first president, and his brief periods of retirement, during which he followed and commented on American politics astutely-the volumes also include first-hand accounts of Washington's death and reflections on his legacy by those who knew or reflected deeply on his significance. The result is a more thorough understanding of Washington's political thought and the American founding.

By the middle of 1792, just a little more than three years after America's new government under the Constitution had been set in motion, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson - President George Washington's two most important cabinet secretaries and two of the most eminent men among the American founders - had become open and bitter political enemies. Their dispute was not personal but political in the highest sense. Each believed that the debate between them was over regime principles. Each believed that he was protecting the newly established republic, and that the other was laboring to destroy it. Carson Holloway's Hamilton versus Jefferson in the Washington Administration examines Hamilton and Jefferson's differences, seeking to explain why these great founders came to disagree so profoundly and vehemently about the political project to which both were committed and had dedicated so much thought and effort.

By the middle of 1792, just a little more than three years after America's new government under the Constitution had been set in motion, Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson - President George Washington's two most important cabinet secretaries and two of the most eminent men among the American founders - had become open and bitter political enemies. Their dispute was not personal but political in the highest sense. Each believed that the debate between them was over regime principles. Each believed that he was protecting the newly established republic, and that the other was laboring to destroy it. Carson Holloway's Hamilton versus Jefferson in the Washington Administration examines Hamilton and Jefferson's differences, seeking to explain why these great founders came to disagree so profoundly and vehemently about the political project to which both were committed and had dedicated so much thought and effort.

Few of America's founders influenced its political system more than Alexander Hamilton. He played a leading role in writing and ratifying the Constitution, was de facto leader of one of America's first two political parties, and was influential in interpreting the scope of the national government's constitutional powers. This comprehensive collection provides Hamilton's most enduringly important political writings, covering his entire public career, from 1775 to his death in 1804. Readers are introduced to Hamilton - in his own words - as defender of the American cause, as an early proponent of a stronger national government, as a founder and protector of the American Constitution, as the nation's first secretary of the treasury, as President George Washington's trusted foreign policy advisor, and as a leader of the Federalist Party. Presented in a convenient two-volume set, this book provides a unique insight into the political ideas of one of America's leading founders; a must-have reference source.

Volume II: 1789-1884: Few of America's founders influenced its political system more than Alexander Hamilton. He played a leading role in writing and ratifying the Constitution, was de facto leader of one of America's first two political parties, and was influential in interpreting the scope of the national government's constitutional powers. This comprehensive collection provides Hamilton's most enduringly important political writings, covering his entire public career, from 1775 to his death in 1804. Readers are introduced to Hamilton - in his own words - as defender of the American cause, as an early proponent of a stronger national government, as a founder and protector of the American Constitution, as the nation's first secretary of the treasury, as President George Washington's trusted foreign policy advisor, and as a leader of the Federalist Party. Presented in a convenient two-volume set, this book provides a unique insight into the political ideas of one of America's leading founders; a must-have reference source.

Few of America's founders influenced its political system more than Alexander Hamilton. He played a leading role in writing and ratifying the Constitution, was de facto leader of one of America's first two political parties, and was influential in interpreting the scope of the national government's constitutional powers. This comprehensive collection provides Hamilton's most enduringly important political writings, covering his entire public career, from 1775 to his death in 1804. Readers are introduced to Hamilton - in his own words - as defender of the American cause, as an early proponent of a stronger national government, as a founder and protector of the American Constitution, as the nation's first secretary of the treasury, as President George Washington's trusted foreign policy advisor, and as a leader of the Federalist Party. Presented in a convenient two-volume set, this book provides a unique insight into the political ideas of one of America's leading founders; a must-have reference source.

Volume II: 1789-1884: Few of America's founders influenced its political system more than Alexander Hamilton. He played a leading role in writing and ratifying the Constitution, was de facto leader of one of America's first two political parties, and was influential in interpreting the scope of the national government's constitutional powers. This comprehensive collection provides Hamilton's most enduringly important political writings, covering his entire public career, from 1775 to his death in 1804. Readers are introduced to Hamilton - in his own words - as defender of the American cause, as an early proponent of a stronger national government, as a founder and protector of the American Constitution, as the nation's first secretary of the treasury, as President George Washington's trusted foreign policy advisor, and as a leader of the Federalist Party. Presented in a convenient two-volume set, this book provides a unique insight into the political ideas of one of America's leading founders; a must-have reference source.

In 1964 the Supreme Court radically altered its interpretation of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. In the famed libel case, New York Times v. Sullivan, the Court ruled that public officials claiming to be victims of defamation would be held to a higher standard than ordinary citizens. They must prove not only that they were victims of defamatory falsehood, but also that their defamers acted with “actual malice”: knowledge that their claim was false, or at least a reckless disregard for its truth or falsity. As a result of this ruling, newspapers cannot now be easily held liable for false defamatory statements about politicians, celebrities, or other public figures.Though many have heralded Sullivan as a landmark ruling in defense of First Amendment freedoms, in No Liberty to Libel, Carson Holloway argues that the Supreme Court erred dangerously in its interpretation of the Constitution. Holloway contends that the Court should revisit and reject the Sullivan doctrine. Holloway demonstrates that the Sullivan doctrine’s two-tier system of libel law—with one standard for ordinary persons and another for the prominent—has no roots in the original understanding of the freedom of the press, or in the tradition of American law that prevailed for most of our history. This tradition held more simply and consistently that libel was an exercise not of liberty but of license, and hence outside the scope of the freedom of the press.A Supreme Court committed to interpreting the Constitution faithfully—that is, according to its text, original meaning, and historical understanding— must reject New York Times v. Sullivan as a product of judicial policymaking untethered to the real meaning of the First Amendment.

Film and Faith: Modern Cinema and the Struggle to Believe explores religious themes in contemporary film with a focus on recent depictions of religion’s continuing manifestations in a secularizing age. The contributors are students of philosophy, political theory, and theology; examine religious and philosophical ideas in commercially and artistically important modern films. They offer a scholarly yet accessible considerations of contemporary films exploring the problem of faith in the modern world. The approach is balanced: sympathetic but not uncritical, reflecting a complexity in the minds of the contributors themselves. While they are religious believers, nonetheless established scholars trained in mainstream academic disciplines. The chapters cover cinema that are important in different ways, and that represent different genres: from the art films of Terrence Malick to the more conventional but serious dramas of the Coen brothers and Frank Capra, to popular action blockbusters like the Dark Knight and the Marvel films. Drawing on these cinematic works, the authors explore religious themes that remain salient even in a time when religion seems to be in decline: themes such as sin and judgment, the experience of grace and reconciliation, and confrontation with radical evil.

The passing of John Paul II provoked questions about the Pope, particularly in his relation to modernity. Was he opposed to the tenets of modernity, as some critics claimed? Or did he accommodate modernity in a way no Pope ever had, as his champions asserted? In The Way of Life, Carson Holloway examines the fundamental philosophers of modernity-from Hobbes to Toqueville-to suggest that John Paul II's critique of modernity is intended not to reject, but to improve. Thus, claims Holloway, it is appropriate for liberal modernity to attend to the Pope's thought, receiving it not as the attack of an enemy but as the criticism of a candid friend.