As the field of political psychology has grown, so has the study of foreign policy behavior and motivation. This collection of essays offers the metaphor of drama to pull together the conceptual and behavioral elements of current concepts in the field. The volume uses a common political framework to examine the impact of perceptual changes resulting from the end of the Cold War on the organization and interpretation of international issues. Exploring trends in the superpowers, Europe, Africa and Asia, and examining issues ranging from security to political and human rights matters, the analyses point out a number of trends in policy and strategy that are associated with patterns of perceptual change.In general these essays take a more pessimistic view of post-Cold War policy trends than one finds in the field at the moment. The articles examine the confusion and potential for continued international conflict that result from the end of the Cold War and they argue that cooperation in international politics in not an inevitable outcome of the new relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union. They argue that there is much greater opportunity for new directions in conflict resolution but that without careful attention to the reformulation of perceptions and policy, those opportunities could be lost.

Colonial legacies in knowledge production affect the way the world is represented and understood today. However, the subject is rarely attended. The book, Colonial Legacies and Contemporary Studies of China and Chineseness: Unlearning Binaries, Strategizing Self, is about the colonial construction of intellectual perspectives of the colonized population in terms of the latter's approach to China and Chineseness in the modern world. Relying on the available oral histories of senior China scholars primarily in Asia, authors from various postcolonial and colonial sites present these multiple routs of self-constitution and reconstitution through the use of China and Chineseness as category. The revealed manipulation of this third category, romantically as well as antagonistically, is easier than straightforward self-reflection for us all to accept that, coming to identities and relations, none, even subaltern, is politically innocent or capable of epistemological monopoly. Through comparative studies, it shows a way of self-understanding that does not always require discursive construction of border or cultural consumption of any specific "other".With US–China rivalry possibly lasting for decades, this book offers extremely rich and contrasting practices from the subaltern worlds for anyone in a quest for humanist alternatives. This interdisciplinary and transnational project contributes to post-colonial studies, cultural studies, international relations, China and Chinese studies, and the comparative histories of East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia.

Why have the influences of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (roughly 1966–1976) in contemporary China been so pervasive, profound, and long-lasting? This book posits that the Revolution challenged everyone to decide how they can and should be themselves.Even scholars who study the Cultural Revolution from a presumably external vantage point must end up with an ideological position relative to whom they study. This amounts to a focused curiosity toward the Maoist agenda rivaling its alternatives. As a result, the political lives after the Cultural Revolution remain, ulteriorly and ironically, Maoist to a ubiquitous extent.How then can we cleanse, forget, neutralize, rediscover, contextualize, realign, revitalize, or renovate Maoism? The authors contend that all must appropriate ideologies for political and analytical purposes and adapt to how others use ideological discourses. This book then invites its readers to re-examine ideology contexts for people to appreciate how they acquire their roles and duties. Those more practiced can even reversely give new meanings to reform, nationalism, foreign policy, or scholarship by shifting between Atheism, Maoism, Confucianism, and Marxism, incurring alternative ideological lenses to de-/legitimize their subject matter.

How did the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution affect everyone's lives? Why did people re/negotiate their identities to adopt revolutionary roles and duties? How did people, who lived with different self-understandings and social relations, inevitably acquire and practice revolutionary identities, each in their own light?This book plunges into the contexts of these concerns to seek different relations that reveal the Revolution's different meanings. Furthermore, this book shows that scholars of the Cultural Revolution encountered emotional and intellectual challenges as they cared about the real people who owned an identity resource that could trigger an imagined thread of solidarity in their minds.The authors believe that the Revolution's magnitude and pervasive scope always resulted in individualized engagements that have significant and differing consequences for those struggling in their micro-context. It has impacted a future with unpredictable collective implications in terms of ethnicity, gender, memory, scholarship, or career. The Cultural Revolution is, therefore, an evolving relation beneath the rise of China that will neither fade away nor sanction integrative paths.

As the field of political psychology has grown, so has the study of foreign policy behavior and motivation. This collection of essays offers the metaphor of drama to pull together the conceptual and behavioral elements of current concepts in the field. The volume uses a common political framework to examine the impact of perceptual changes resulting from the end of the Cold War on the organization and interpretation of international issues. Exploring trends in the superpowers, Europe, Africa and Asia, and examining issues ranging from security to political and human rights matters, the analyses point out a number of trends in policy and strategy that are associated with patterns of perceptual change.In general these essays take a more pessimistic view of post-Cold War policy trends than one finds in the field at the moment. The articles examine the confusion and potential for continued international conflict that result from the end of the Cold War and they argue that cooperation in international politics in not an inevitable outcome of the new relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union. They argue that there is much greater opportunity for new directions in conflict resolution but that without careful attention to the reformulation of perceptions and policy, those opportunities could be lost.

Colonial legacies in knowledge production affect the way the world is represented and understood today. However, the subject is rarely attended. The book, Colonial Legacies and Contemporary Studies of China and Chineseness: Unlearning Binaries, Strategizing Self, is about the colonial construction of intellectual perspectives of the colonized population in terms of the latter's approach to China and Chineseness in the modern world. Relying on the available oral histories of senior China scholars primarily in Asia, authors from various postcolonial and colonial sites present these multiple routs of self-constitution and reconstitution through the use of China and Chineseness as category. The revealed manipulation of this third category, romantically as well as antagonistically, is easier than straightforward self-reflection for us all to accept that, coming to identities and relations, none, even subaltern, is politically innocent or capable of epistemological monopoly. Through comparative studies, it shows a way of self-understanding that does not always require discursive construction of border or cultural consumption of any specific "other".With US–China rivalry possibly lasting for decades, this book offers extremely rich and contrasting practices from the subaltern worlds for anyone in a quest for humanist alternatives. This interdisciplinary and transnational project contributes to post-colonial studies, cultural studies, international relations, China and Chinese studies, and the comparative histories of East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia.

Why have the influences of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (roughly 1966–1976) in contemporary China been so pervasive, profound, and long-lasting? This book posits that the Revolution challenged everyone to decide how they can and should be themselves.Even scholars who study the Cultural Revolution from a presumably external vantage point must end up with an ideological position relative to whom they study. This amounts to a focused curiosity toward the Maoist agenda rivaling its alternatives. As a result, the political lives after the Cultural Revolution remain, ulteriorly and ironically, Maoist to a ubiquitous extent.How then can we cleanse, forget, neutralize, rediscover, contextualize, realign, revitalize, or renovate Maoism? The authors contend that all must appropriate ideologies for political and analytical purposes and adapt to how others use ideological discourses. This book then invites its readers to re-examine ideology contexts for people to appreciate how they acquire their roles and duties. Those more practiced can even reversely give new meanings to reform, nationalism, foreign policy, or scholarship by shifting between Atheism, Maoism, Confucianism, and Marxism, incurring alternative ideological lenses to de-/legitimize their subject matter.

How did the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution affect everyone's lives? Why did people re/negotiate their identities to adopt revolutionary roles and duties? How did people, who lived with different self-understandings and social relations, inevitably acquire and practice revolutionary identities, each in their own light?This book plunges into the contexts of these concerns to seek different relations that reveal the Revolution's different meanings. Furthermore, this book shows that scholars of the Cultural Revolution encountered emotional and intellectual challenges as they cared about the real people who owned an identity resource that could trigger an imagined thread of solidarity in their minds.The authors believe that the Revolution's magnitude and pervasive scope always resulted in individualized engagements that have significant and differing consequences for those struggling in their micro-context. It has impacted a future with unpredictable collective implications in terms of ethnicity, gender, memory, scholarship, or career. The Cultural Revolution is, therefore, an evolving relation beneath the rise of China that will neither fade away nor sanction integrative paths.