Daniel Stockemer – författare

Officeholders in contemporary parliaments and cabinets are more likely than not to be male, wealthy, middle-aged or older, and from the dominant ethnicity, whereas young adults have an insufficient presence in political office. Young adults—those aged 35 years or under—comprise a mere ten percent of all parliamentarians globally, and three percent of all cabinet members. Compared to their presence in the world’s population, this age group faces an underrepresentation of one to three in parliament and one to ten in cabinet. In this book, Stockemer and Sundström provide a holistic account of youths’ marginalization in legislatures, cabinets, and candidacies for office through a comparative lens. They argue that youths’ underrepresentation in political office constitutes a democratic deficit and provide ample evidence for why they think that youth must be present in politics at much higher rates. They further embed this book within what they label a vicious cycle of political alienation, which involves the declining political sophistication of the young, their waning electoral participation, and their insufficient of representation in office. Empirically, the authors combine a global focus with in-depth studies, discussing the country-level, party-level, and individual-level factors that bar young adults’ entry to positions of political power. This is the first comprehensive book on youth representation and it has relevance for those broadly interested in issues of representation, democracy, inequality, and comparative politics.

Officeholders in contemporary parliaments and cabinets are more likely than not to be male, wealthy, middle-aged or older, and from the dominant ethnicity, whereas young adults have an insufficient presence in political office. Young adults—those aged 35 years or under—comprise a mere ten percent of all parliamentarians globally, and three percent of all cabinet members. Compared to their presence in the world’s population, this age group faces an underrepresentation of one to three in parliament and one to ten in cabinet. In this book, Stockemer and Sundström provide a holistic account of youths’ marginalization in legislatures, cabinets, and candidacies for office through a comparative lens. They argue that youths’ underrepresentation in political office constitutes a democratic deficit and provide ample evidence for why they think that youth must be present in politics at much higher rates. They further embed this book within what they label a vicious cycle of political alienation, which involves the declining political sophistication of the young, their waning electoral participation, and their insufficient of representation in office. Empirically, the authors combine a global focus with in-depth studies, discussing the country-level, party-level, and individual-level factors that bar young adults’ entry to positions of political power. This is the first comprehensive book on youth representation and it has relevance for those broadly interested in issues of representation, democracy, inequality, and comparative politics.

This Element leverages a comparative approach to understand how conspiracy theories and their believers differ within and across countries. Using original survey data from eight varied cases (Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Lebanon, Morocco, South Africa, and the United States) the authors present specific contemporary conspiracy theories, illustrate how these theories appeal in their national context, and determine whether the characteristics of the typical conspiracy theory believer vary across setting. They first demonstrate that there is a wide range of conspiracy theories, some of which have worldwide reach, whereas others are more context specific. Then, they show that the determinants of individual conspiracism are very similar in the Western world and Brazil, but do not necessarily travel to Lebanon, Morocco and South Africa. Lastly, they summarize the main conclusions of this Element and discuss the need for greater comparative research on conspiracy theories and propose clear areas for future research.

This Element leverages a comparative approach to understand how conspiracy theories and their believers differ within and across countries. Using original survey data from eight varied cases (Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Lebanon, Morocco, South Africa, and the United States) the authors present specific contemporary conspiracy theories, illustrate how these theories appeal in their national context, and determine whether the characteristics of the typical conspiracy theory believer vary across setting. They first demonstrate that there is a wide range of conspiracy theories, some of which have worldwide reach, whereas others are more context specific. Then, they show that the determinants of individual conspiracism are very similar in the Western world and Brazil, but do not necessarily travel to Lebanon, Morocco and South Africa. Lastly, they summarize the main conclusions of this Element and discuss the need for greater comparative research on conspiracy theories and propose clear areas for future research.

This book provides a global overview of populist actors and strategies around the globe from a comparative perspective. By presenting six country studies on the United States, France, Poland, Turkey, the Philippines and Argentina, the contributors analyze how parties from both the radical left and right use a populist discourse combining people-centrism, anti-elitism, and the exclusion of certain population cohorts from the national community. They illustrate how populist actors mobilize and persuade citizens by using simple and slogan-based language and charismatic leadership while offering simple solutions to complex problems.Each case study describes the history of populism in the respective country, current populist actors, the strategies these parties and movements employ, and how successful these tactics are within the population. These case studies are embedded within two theoretical chapters that link the cases to the theoretical and empirical literature on populism. This timely book will appeal to anyone interested in understanding the current enormous appeal of populist movements around the globe.

This book provides an overview of the identity and sense of belonging of Muslims in the Western world. By presenting case studies on European countries such as France, the Netherlands and the UK, as well as the USA and Canada, it offers a comparative perspective on how Muslims feel toward and are integrated in their country of residence.

This book provides an overview of the identity and sense of belonging of Muslims in the Western world. By presenting case studies on European countries such as France, the Netherlands and the UK, as well as the USA and Canada, it offers a comparative perspective on how Muslims feel toward and are integrated in their country of residence.

Building on the premise that we need to teach statistical methods in a holistic and practical format, the book guides students through the four main elements of survey research and quantitative analysis: (1) the importance of survey research, (2) preparing a survey, (3) conducting a survey and (4) analyzing a survey.

This book compares anti-immigrant attitudes across 8 countries on 5 continents. It develops a general framework that explores grievances, personal interactions, and entrenched beliefs that explain anti-immigrant attitudes. Using original survey research with 1,000 respondents per country, the authors test the salience of their theoretical expectations across eight very diverse cases: Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Japan, South Africa, the USA, and Turkey. The empirical study allows to decipher the degree to which the drivers of anti-immigrant attitudes are universal or context-specific. One the one hand, they find that positive interactions between natives reduce critical attitudes toward immigrants in all 8 countries. On the other hand, there are some country specific differences in the influence of various grievances and the three proxy variables measuring entrenched beliefs populist attitudes, nationalism and social conservativism. This book appeals to scholars and students of political sociology, comparative politics, public opinion research and related fields.

Why are citizens increasingly dissatisfied with democracy, and what does this mean for the future of democratic governance? This book investigates the causes and consequences of democratic dissatisfaction throughout different Western and non-Western countries. By examining a wide range of cases it explores how factors such as polarization, populism, and the erosion of trust in democratic institutions are driving this discontent—and how these forces differ across various political contexts.Offering a mixture of case studies, comparative analyses, and large N statistical analyses, the book explores the drivers of democratic dissatisfaction across different countries and examines the consequences for political participation, electoral outcomes, and institutional legitimacy. It provides a global analysis of how citizens' trust in democracy shapes its stability.Covering all major regions of the world, this book uncovers the troubling trends of declining democratic quality and examines the potential long-term risks for global democratic stability. An essential reading for scholars, policymakers, and anyone concerned about the future of democracy, this book offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the challenges of modern democratic governance.

The 2024 Paris Olympics broke many records and had multiple highlights. It constituted the first Olympics with gender parity among athletes, had a special focus on sustainability, and showed record breaking performances including 32 new world records. The Games attracted more than 1 million spectators in different venues in and around Paris, and billions of spectators on TV across the globe. Without exaggeration, the Paris Games were the largest and most popular sports event of the year, and most likely the decade so far.Yet the Paris Olympics were not only a sporting event. From its global scale, corporate sponsors and nationalistic symbols, to the controversies some aspects of the Games triggered, they were also an inherently political spectacle. Focusing particularly on the National Olympic Hospitality Houses, the ways in which global crises such as the wars in Gaza and Ukraine complicated the organization of the Games, and anti-doping policy, this volume examines the political nature of the Paris Games from various perspectives. In doing so, it highlights the dualism between sports and politics, transparency and corruption, and peace and conflict.

In light of the transformation of the Front National (FN) to a major player in French politics, this book examines how the unprecedented boost in positive opinions towards the FN as well as its increasing membership and electoral success have been possible. Using a supply and demand framework and a mixed methods approach, the author investigates the development of the FN and compares the “new” FN under Marine Le Pen with the “old” FN under Jean-Marie Le Pen across 4 dimensions: (1) the party’s ideology, (2) the leadership styles of the two leaders including the composition of the party elites and the leaders’/ parties’ relationship with the media, (3) the party members and (4) the party voters. It appeals to scholars interested in the study of radical right-wing movements and parties as well as to anybody interested in French politics.

In light of the transformation of the Front National (FN) to a major player in French politics, this book examines how the unprecedented boost in positive opinions towards the FN as well as its increasing membership and electoral success have been possible. Using a supply and demand framework and a mixed methods approach, the author investigates the development of the FN and compares the “new” FN under Marine Le Pen with the “old” FN under Jean-Marie Le Pen across 4 dimensions: (1) the party’s ideology, (2) the leadership styles of the two leaders including the composition of the party elites and the leaders’/ parties’ relationship with the media, (3) the party members and (4) the party voters. It appeals to scholars interested in the study of radical right-wing movements and parties as well as to anybody interested in French politics.